Women’s War of 1929

The Women’s War was a response to British colonialism in Nigeria. British authorities described the group as a “hostile mob” because they didn’t recognize that the so-called mob was largely a long-established method for Igbo women to hold men accountable.

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Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:01):
Welcome to Stuff you missed in History Class, a production
of I Heart Radio. Hello, and welcome to the podcast.
I'm Tracy V. Wilson and I'm Holly Fry. Not too
long ago, when I was researching our episode on tear gas,

(00:21):
the book tear Gas From the Battlefields of World War
One to the Streets of Today mentioned a women's uprising
in colonial Nigeria, with British authorities requesting tear gas in
response to that uprising. This mention in the book was
really brief, just a paragraph in the context of that
entire text, and it cited a memo that read, in

(00:42):
part quote, recently in Nigeria, a hostile mob was composed
largely of women, and the local troops showed the greatest
dislike in firing on the crowd when that course became inevitable.
And then that paragraph ended on the note that this
was part of what came to be known as a
women's war. So that memo was just so evocative to me, like,

(01:04):
who were these women and why was firing on them inevitable?
In the words of the memo, the women's war, which
happened at the end of immediately went on my list
for an episode, and that is where we are today.
So the Women's War was a response to multiple aspects
of British colonialism, which were made worse by British authorities

(01:24):
total lack of understanding about how the societies in what
is now southeastern Nigeria actually functioned. Nigeria was and is
incredibly diverse. It's home to more than two hundred fifty
different ethnic groups and five hundred languages, with those languages
falling into at least three distinct linguistic groups. So in

(01:45):
addition to seeing everything through a British lens, colonial authorities
were also failing to recognize that the people and cultures
involved we're not at all a monolith. They also weren't
the same as societies the British had encountered in other
parts of Africa, or even within the different regions of
the colony they had established and named for the Niger River.

(02:06):
Although there were other ethnic groups involved in this as well,
most of the women involved in the Women's War were
Ebo or b Bo, and the vast majority of writing
about the Women's War has focused mainly or even exclusively
on Ebo women. So today we're going to focus primarily
on Ebo society, which also, to be clear, was not

(02:27):
at all a monolith. To start, there are at least
thirty different Ebo dialects. By some counts it's more than fifty.
Some of these are mutually intelligible to one another, and
some of them are not. Although Ebo speakers generally had
similar cultures and religious practices prior to British colonialization, they
also lived in semi autonomous communities that could vary somewhat

(02:50):
and how they were governed. In some regions, communities were
governed similarly to a constitutional monarchy, and in others they
were closer to a republic. Even in communities that had
similar governing structures, the details could still vary from place
to place. For example, in some communities women were part
of the council of elders that governed and made decisions,

(03:10):
while in others women had a lot of influence on
the council but did not directly hold seats. In general,
though before colonization, the idea of collectivity and mutual benefit
was threaded all through Ebo societies and everything from religion
and cosmology to day to day living. Religious beliefs included

(03:32):
reincarnation and the idea that ancestors are still present and
still part of the community. Whole villages were part of
decision making in one way or another, and those decisions
were generally focused on the collective goods. So, for example,
a community might pool its resources to send a student
to a university, with the understanding that the whole village

(03:53):
would then benefit from that student's success. Social and political
power were decentralized, and in generall people earned that power
through their actions and behavior and how they contributed to
the community. Although a person's wealth, age, or family connections
could definitely play a part by themselves, they weren't typically
enough to establish someone as an authority. Disputes were solved

(04:17):
by mutual agreement, with a council of elders who had
earned the community's respect and trust, all coming to a consensus.
Then the rest of the community collectively participated in upholding
that group's decision. Gender also influenced all of this. In
the communities that we are focused on today, men and
women had distinct and complementary roles. Families lived together in

(04:40):
the husband's compound, with each wife having her own home
and her own space, and that compound. Men were responsible
for providing clothing, and food, while women were responsible for
actually preparing the meals from those ingredients. While the compounds
were considered to be men's domain, markets were more of
a space for women. There could really be some fluidity

(05:02):
in all of this, which is described in the book
Male Daughters, Female Husbands, Gender and Sex and African Society
that's by Nigerian anthropologists Evie Amadume. But in general, men
and women had different spheres of influence. Women also maintained
extensive networks with other women, including market networks and family connections.

(05:24):
All the daughters from the same lineage were part of
a network, even after they married and moved to another
household or even a different village. All the wives within
the same lineage were similarly connected, regardless of whether their
families were related outside of their marriage. So the area
north northeast of the Niger River Delta has been home

(05:45):
to Ebo speaking people's for thousands of years, and for
much of that time, slavery was also part of these communities.
Even though Ebo speaking people's had similar cultures and religious practices,
it really wasn't until the twentieth century that Ebo people
started to see themselves as part of one unifying cultural

(06:05):
and ethnic identity, regardless of which region or village they
were originally from. So prior to that, when Ebo communities
went to war with one another or with non Ebo neighbors,
they enslaved prisoners of war. People were also enslaved as
punishment for some kinds of crime and and in many
ways this system of slavery was more like indentured servitude

(06:29):
than shadow slavery. As it was practiced in the America's
enslaved people were still considered to be persons with at
least some rights. The Transatlantic slave trade influenced these practices dramatically,
and Ebo speakers were both participants in and victims of it.
Estimates very, but Ebo and neighboring Yoruba people's made up

(06:50):
roughly one third of all the people enslaved in Africa
and transported to the America's Ebo traders in particular, were
often middlemen capturing bill to sell or trade with people
from other African ethnic groups on the coast, who then
sold them to Europeans. This, of course, was absolutely devastating
and destabilizing to African nations and people's all over the region.

(07:15):
It incentivized warfare as the European demand for slaves grew,
and it made that warfare worse as Europeans paid for
enslaved people with weapons and gunpowder. And to be clear,
although there were African people, including Ebo people, who were
benefiting from the slave trade by enslaving and selling other people,

(07:35):
the European powers that were involved in all this gained
far far more power and wealth than any African nation involved.
Britain outlawed the Transatlantic slave trade in eighteen o seven,
and the US banned the import of enslaved people that
same year, with the law going into effect in eighteen
o eight, but the slave trade continued long after that point,

(07:56):
with enslaved people being transported to nations where it was
illegal and to places, including the United States where it
was not technically legal. When Britain started colonizing what's now
Nigeria in the eighteen sixties, it had previously outlawed slavery
in its other colonies, but Britain didn't formally outlast slavery
in Nigeria until nineteen o one, and the practice continued

(08:19):
for decades after that. In addition to changes in social
structures and governments that will be getting to in a bit.
Nigeria in general and Ebo Lands specifically went through multiple
changes during these same decades. Palm oil became an increasingly
valued commodity. It was used for everything from soap making

(08:41):
to machine lubrication. Palm Oil production long predated the British
presence in Nigeria, and palm oil grown and processed in
West Africa was already well established as an important trade
good long before any of this, but British demand for
palm oil increased ramatically during the Industrial Revolution because of

(09:02):
its use as a machine lubricant. The economy of Eba
Land became increasingly focused on palm oil production, generally with
men harvesting the fruit and women and children processing it
into oil. Proceeds from this industry were also divided by gender,
with the men getting the oil and the women getting
the kernel. Another big change was that the first Christian

(09:24):
missionaries were also established in Ebo Land during the nineteenth century.
The first permanent mission there was established by the Reverend
John Christopher Taylor, who was Anglican and born to Ebo parents.
His parents had actually been enslaved in Ebo Land and
then liberated to Sierra Leone. Many of the first missionaries

(09:45):
to Ebo Land were also Ebo. Some of them had
similarly been enslaved and then liberated to Sierra Leone before
making their way back home again. But over time, more
and more of the missionaries in Nigeria were white British
people who tried to make Ebo culture conform more to
British Christian norms. We're going to talk more specifically about

(10:06):
Britain's colonization of Nigeria and how it led to the
Women's War after we first have a sponsor break. Britain's
colonization of Nigeria escalated during the Scramble for Africa in
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. As we've mentioned

(10:28):
on the show before, over about four decades, the major
European powers basically divided up the continent of Africa among themselves.
About nine percent of the continent was under European control
by the nineteen teens. All of this was done without
the involvement of the people who were being colonized, and
without regard to the kingdoms and nations and confederations that

(10:51):
were already there. Britain chartered the Royal Niger Company in
eighteen sixty six, and during the Scramble for Africa, it
rapidly expanded its holdings around the Niger River valley. It
established multiple protectorates, which it started consolidating in the early
twentieth century. In the nineteen teens, two remained the Protectorate

(11:12):
of Northern Nigeria and the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria, which
Britain consolidated into the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria in
nineteen fourteen. The nations and people's who were living in
all this occupied territory resisted British influence heavily, and the
British subjugation of its Nigerian colony was violent and destructive.

(11:34):
British forces destroyed or tried to destroy oracles and temple complexes.
They used collective punishments in which whole communities, or their
crops or their markets were completely destroyed as a punishment
for a perceived wrongdoing by one or more people in
that community. People who resisted were subject to length the

(11:54):
imprisonments or even execution. Sir Frederick Lugard was High Commissioner
of Nor then Nigeria. His wife Flora Shaw, is typically
cited as coining the name Nigeria. A few years before
their marriage, Leugard first led a campaign to violently quote
pacify northern Nigeria, and it was later under his suggestion

(12:15):
that the two protectorates were merged. In nineteen fourteen. Lugard
eventually became Governor General of this newly created colony. Although
Britain wanted to stay in control of Nigeria, and it
also wanted to keep France from getting any territory in
the area, it didn't actually want to spend the time
and money that would be required to govern the colony directly.

(12:37):
In Northern Nigeria, Legard had established what the British perceived
as a successful system of indirect rule. The British, at
least in theory, roughly replicated the system of local government
that was already in place, but with men who were
selected by the British placed into positions of power. Lugard
tried to implement the same system of indirect rule in

(13:00):
Ebo Land in southeastern Nigeria. Ebo Land was divided up
into native court regions, with each region led by a
warrant Chief. The warrant chief was Ebo, but was appointed
and empowered by the British. However, this was not at
all how Ebo communities in Southeast Nigeria had been operating
before this point. Having one warrant chief was antithetical to

(13:24):
the decentralized communal decision making that we talked about before
the break. Plus, the native court boundaries grouped together villages
that were not previously affiliated with each other and separated
villages that were connected. In some interpretations, Lugard really did
comprehend that this was going on, but he thought Northern

(13:44):
Nigeria was more so called civilized and modern, and he
thought making Southern Nigeria conformed to that same system would
have a modernizing effect. So, because this system of government
was so vastly different from what the Ebo value you
in general, the men who accepted appointments as warrant chief
either didn't share those values or were just more interested

(14:08):
in gaining power by their proximity to the British. Although
there were some exceptions, generally they were not people who
had earned a position of power and respect in their communities. So,
in addition to the British having implemented a system that
was radically different from what had previously been in place,
corruption and abuse among the warrant chiefs became really widespread.

(14:31):
As we mentioned earlier, there was some variation in how
Ebo women were able to exercise their social and political power,
but in general, as the British established indirect rule, Ebo
women lost rights and power that they had previously had.
Since counsels of elders had been replaced by a sole
warrant chief, they lost much of their voice in community

(14:52):
decision making. Also, as another example, women had generally had
the right to refuse marriage proposals that they did not want,
but warrant chief started selecting wives without regard to the
women's wishes. As all of this was happening, British officials
and Christian missionaries and Ebo land were also trying to
influence Ebo cultural and sexual Moray's. For example, nudity was

(15:17):
common among Ebo societies, with girls and young women generally
remaining unclothed until after they had gotten married and become
pregnant for the first time, and at that point clothing
often involved a loincloth or sort of a skirt around
their their waist, and missionaries tried to move Ebo women
toward more Western standards of dress. Then as if all

(15:40):
of that was not already enough, men in Nigeria were
pressed into service both as soldiers and as porters. During
World War One. They served under white officers as part
of the Nigerian Regiment, which made up more than half
of the West African Frontier Force. Then came the nineteen
eighteen flu pandemic, which sickened to between fifty and eighty

(16:01):
percent of the population of Nigeria and killed at least
five hundred thousand people there in less than six months.
So by the early nineteen twenties, the people of southeastern
Nigeria had been through a lot. Then in October of
British officials noted reports of a miraculous birth near the
town of Atta, but they didn't really specify what that meant.

(16:25):
Ebo sources aren't entirely clear about it either, in part
because of nuances in the Ebo language. What is clear, though,
is that Ebo women interpreted this birth as a sign
that something was seriously out of balance and needed to
be corrected. What followed has been called the Dancing Women's
Movement or the Women's Purity Campaign. Ebo women gathered in

(16:48):
the markets, singing, dancing, and ritually sweeping the space they
stripped unmarried women and girls who had started adopting European
style dress. They also outlined to see reas of demands
that were meant to restore gender roles to what they
had been before British colonization, including making dowry negotiations more
transparent and honest, and restoring dowry amounts to their earlier

(17:12):
levels because they had risen so much by that point
that many people could no longer afford to pay them.
Other demands focused on things like reopening old roads and
observing old customs. British officials really did not understand at
all what was happening here. They interpreted the symbolic sweeping
of the markets and a focus on sanitation as being

(17:34):
only about literal cleanliness and hygiene, and they also interpreted
the women's focus on purity as being somehow about sex work.
The list of demands did include one that was related
to sex work, but like that was one thing out
of a list of like twenty five demands. But from
the EBO women's perspective, it really seems to have been

(17:56):
more about restoring order and balance at a social, spiritual,
and religious level, and writing the imbalance that had led
to this miraculous birth and basically protecting and preserving women's fertility.
Many historians have interpreted this campaign as sort of a
prelude to the Women's War, women re establishing their market

(18:19):
and kinship networks and using those networks to reassert their
own agency and try to reclaim some of the power
they'd lost over the previous decades. But British authorities mostly
regarded it as an incomprehensible disruption based on their reaction
to the Women's War a few years later, which they
described as completely unprecedented. It seems just so they pretty

(18:40):
quickly forgot about it. We'll have some more after a
quick sponsor break. During his time as Nigeria's first colonial governor,
Sir Frederick Legarde thought taxation could serve as a means
to organize and quote civilized the people. If you had

(19:02):
to pay a tax, you would also have to work
to do it, and you could really only do that
as part of a purportedly modern economic system. So to
that end, there was a census conducted in Ebo Land,
followed by a head tax of about five shillings a
person that was levied on men in so much about

(19:23):
this was totally foreign to the Ebo speaking peoples of
southeastern Nigeria, as well as other people's living in the
affected region. The idea of counting people was deeply taboo
from a religious and cultural perspective. Human beings were not
objects to be counted, and drawing attention to how many
people there were or how large a person's lineage had

(19:45):
grown ran the risk of attracting malevolent forces. Additionally, Ebo
languages didn't really have a word or even a completely
comparable concept for taxation. The closest thing was basically ransome,
so in addition to the financial hardship of suddenly having
to pay this tax, people felt like they were having
to pay a ransom on themselves. British authorities had also

(20:09):
proposed attacks on the land, and this was a similarly
foreign concept, because how could a person whose family had
been custodian of this land have to pay a totally
different person a fee for it. There was also the
issue of the money itself. British authorities would accept only
British currency, which most of the local people did not

(20:30):
have access to and we're not using in their own lives.
One of the demands of the women's purity campaign had
even been to get rid of British currency entirely. Local
currencies included things like cowries and brass rods, But even
if the men had the equivalent of five shillings, most
had no way to exchange any of that for British currency,

(20:51):
and the reality was that many men didn't have the money,
so their wives had to help make up the difference.
This got worse after the Great Depression and other factors
led palm oil prices to drop while the amount of
tax stayed the same. So Captain John Cook, who was
stationed in Bende while filling in for a district officer
who was on leave, decided to redo that district census

(21:16):
in October of nineteen nine, this time also counting women
and animals. On November twenty three, census taker Mark Amrua
approached a woman named Nuan Rua on her husband's compound
and told her to count the compounds women and animals,
and according to testimony that was later given before a

(21:37):
commission that investigated all of this, she said, quote, are
you still counting? Last year? My son's wife, who was
pregnant died. I am still mourning the death of that
woman was your mother counted In her account, he grabbed
her and she smeared red palm oil onto his shirt
while trying to get away. In his account, she smeared

(21:58):
him with palm oil in ten nationally to both insult
him and ruin his clothing, and then chased him out
of the compound. Nana Rua either went or was summoned
to the warrant Chief Okugo Okasia, and their accounts also differ.
In hers, he was dismissive and insulting, threatening her and
telling her in no uncertain terms that she would be

(22:20):
paying the tax. In his version, he was reassuring and
told her it was all just a mistake. Nowan Yarua
went to the market and told the women there about
what had happened at her husband's compound, and soon rumors
were spreading that women were about to be taxed along
with the men. The women passed palm frauds from person

(22:40):
to person through their market and lineage networks as a
signal to gather, and this led about ten thousand women
to meet at the District Administration office on November They
demanded written assurance that they would not be taxed. A
big part of what followed involved a long established method
for Ebo women to hold men accountable for their behavior

(23:02):
and get restitution for wrongs, which was known as sitting
on a man. If a man wronged someone, particularly if
he wronged a woman, or if he otherwise violated community
standards in a way that was considered to be part
of the women's domain, they would gather at his home,
often late at night, and do things like dance and
sing songs that shamed him, detailing his wrongdoing and insulting

(23:26):
his masculinity. They would pound on the walls of his
home with the pestles they used to pulverize yams. In
extreme cases, they might pull the roof off his hut
or slather its exterior with mud. Yeah, they would basically
do this until the man in question admitted that he
was wrong and made restitution. But when the women sat

(23:46):
on the warrant chief in November of not only did
he refuse to admit any wrongdoing, but he also had
people from his compound assault some of the women. One
of them said that she had had a miscarriage as
a result. So the women took their grievances to District
Officer John Cook, protesting the census, the tax, and the
warrant chief's behavior. The warrant chief was ultimately removed from

(24:10):
his post put on trial in December fourth. More than
one thousand women attended that trial, at which he was
convicted and sentenced to two years of imprisonment. So news
that these women had successfully gotten the warrant chief removed
and in fact sentenced to prison really spread beyond the district.

(24:31):
Women and other communities similarly started sitting on their warrant
chiefs and British officials to demand assurance that they wouldn't
be taxed, and to demand the removal and punishment of
corrupt warrant chiefs. As this movement spread and grew, women
also started damaging colonial telegraph lines, railroads, roads, and even buildings.

(24:52):
At first, British authorities were baffled and appalled by the
women's demonstrations. Many of the women were mostly naked, wearing
palm fronds around their foreheads or waists, and carrying sticks
adorned with palm leaves, which was shocking to British sensibilities
about nudity and dress. But it wasn't until December thirteenth
that the British started to see the uprising as really

(25:15):
threatening instead of just disorderly and shocking. That day, women
attacked government buildings and factories in a Werry province after
a doctor deliberately drove his car through a group of demonstrators.
This seems to be the turning point that made firing
on the women from the British point of view and inevitability.
On December fourteenth, police cleared an assembly of women in

(25:38):
Abak by firing their weapons into the ground and moving
the women along with the butts of their rifles. It
doesn't appear that anyone was killed during this, but it
is also not clear how many people were injured, since
a lot of women who were probably would not have
come forward then I'm the fifteenth. Police in udu et

(25:59):
m Pope fired on a crowd of women, killing eighteen
and wounding nineteen others. A day later, in a Pobo,
police again opened fire on a group of demonstrating women,
this time killing thirty one along with a man who
happened to be passing through the area. Eight other women
were pushed or fell into a river as the crowd

(26:20):
was fleeing and drowned. Among the Ebo and other African
women who had been part of this. It was just
unfathomable that their actions, which drew from this long standing
and socially appropriate practice of sitting on a man, would
be met with any kind of violence against their persons.
But in the end, more than fifty women were killed

(26:42):
and at least that many were wounded. On December, British
authorities reported that the situation in Ebo Land was under control,
but sporadic demonstrations followed after that. By the time it ended,
the women's war had ranged over more than six thousand
miles of southeastern Nigeria. At this point, the Jillian Wallabag massacre,

(27:04):
also known as the Amritzer massacre in India was still
pretty fresh on the minds of British authorities. We mentioned
that massacre in our previous episode on tear gas. After
that massacre, there had been people who supported the British
troops that had fired on unarmed demonstrators, but the massacre
had also sparked outrage in the British public and the

(27:25):
House of Commons. Fearing a similar response to what had
happened in Nigeria, the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
Sydney web Lord pass Field, ordered an inquiry. This inquiry
was not particularly thorough, though the commission itself was made
up exclusively of British people, thirty six witnesses were interviewed,

(27:45):
none of whom were women who had been part of
the demonstrations or even people who knew enough about their
position to be able to really understand and explain their interests.
A report issued on January totally exonerated the British respon Mounts.
Lord Passfield knew this would not satisfy the British public,
or members of Parliament, or the people of Nigeria, so

(28:08):
he ordered a second investigation in March of nine. The
British were calling this uprising the Aba Riots, and this commission,
which was known as the Abba Commission, convened for three months.
This time, the commissioners included two Nigerian barristers as well
as British lawyers and government officials, and they interviewed five
hundred Nigerian and British witnesses. This time, the commission found

(28:33):
that the killings had been avoidable, but the massacre didn't
spark the kind of outcry that Lord pass Field had feared,
so he didn't pursue the matter. Further, the soldiers and
police who had fired on the women were ultimately exonerated
and no one was directly punished, although some officials were
removed or transferred from their posts. After this uprising was over,

(28:56):
British authorities used the same tactics that they had previously
used to quote pacify Nigeria, including levying large fines season
people's property and burning villages, including again using collective punishments
against whole villages where demonstrating women had lived. Women's forms
of advocacy, including sitting on a man or outlawed as

(29:19):
vigilante activities, but by nine thirty three, British authorities also
made significant changes to their system of indirect rule in
southeastern Nigeria. Warrant chiefs were replaced with masked benches, which
were panels of judges selected by villages, with the villages
also determining how many judges to have. Districts were also

(29:40):
redrawn so that court areas more closely aligned with pre
colonial groups of villages. In general, women had a say
in who was selected to serve on a mast bench,
but it was comparatively rare for women to actually serve
on one, as we noted at the top of the show.
We've primarily focused on Ebo women in this at pisode,
but women from other cultural and linguistic groups were also

(30:04):
involved in this uprising, and afterward women's networks and greater
community networks started to become a little more cross cultural
in southeastern Nigeria, with women of multiple ethnic and linguistic
groups sort of thinking of themselves as part of a
great Council of all women or all wives, or even
a great council of everyone. Of course, Nigeria in general

(30:26):
and Ebo people specifically have a long and complicated history
from this point, but the women's activism in ninety nine
has been cited as inspiration for multiple uprisings and demonstrations
that followed, including tax protests in nineteen forty eight and
nineteen fifty six, oil mill protests in the nineteen forties,
and demonstrations at oil loading docks and pumping stations in

(30:50):
the early two thousands. And there's also a novel called
I Saw the Sky Catch Fire that focuses on the
women's war, and a Nigerian film called ninety nine came
out just last year in twenty nineteen. Um I think
you can actually get that film here in the US
on some streaming services, but I wasn't able to watch
it before doing this episode. I also have a little

(31:13):
bit of listener mail get so the listener mail is
from Terry who says, good day from Australia. I have
just listened to the Sims Theory of Concentric Spheres podcast.
It was very interesting, particularly when you consider the concave
Earth theory. This theory states that were not on the
outside of the Earth, but inside, and it makes perfect sense.

(31:36):
We're on the inside of the globe. The stars are
lights from cities on the other side of the globe.
When we look at the horizon, we look up. If
we were on the outside of the globe, we would
look down. I think of how planes take off. They
go up, but if we were on the outside, they
would go down. Then the Remuter triangle in similar areas.
They are exhaust fans for the plant. It all makes sense.
You may have guessed that alcohol was involved in the

(31:57):
formation of the series. I hope it brings some joy
to your day. Terry from Australia. Terry, it did bring
some joy to my day, and it also reminded me
of a thing um that I found while researching the
episode that did not make it into the episode because
I couldn't quite wrap my head around it. And it
was also uh ancillary, it was like beside the point,

(32:17):
and that is that in the nineteen eighties there was
an Egyptian mathematician named Mastafa Abdel Cotter who wrote some
papers detailing a mathematical model for um a concave Earth
with us on the interior of it. Um, which seems
like a super interesting thing to be looking at mathematically,

(32:40):
but like I said, I couldn't quite like get my
mind wrapped around it. Um. So anyway, thank you. I
was indeed amused by that email. Uh and um, I'm
glad that it gave me a chance to kind of
bring up that, like one of the little tidbits that
didn't make it into that episode. If you would like
to write to us about this or any other Podcas asked,
We're at History Podcast at i heeart radio dot com,

(33:03):
and then we're all over social media at missed in History,
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in the I Heart radio app or Apple Podcasts or
anywhere else. Do you get your podcasts. Stuff you missed
in History Class is a production of I heart Radio.

(33:25):
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