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August 31, 2023 64 mins

In this episode, Lisa talks with Daniel Horowitz about the lack of motivation and care among Americans regarding the state of the country. They highlight threats to life, liberty, and property, such as the erosion of civil liberties, unequal treatment based on political beliefs, and the push for endless vaccinations. They emphasize the need for a strong conservative movement and action to implement conservative values. They analyze potential candidates in the upcoming elections, focusing on Ron DeSantis and his chances. The Truth with Lisa Boothe is part of the iHeartRadio Podcast Network - new episodes debut every Monday & Thursday.

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Episode Transcript

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Speaker 1 (00:01):
One of my biggest concerns about where we are as
a country right now is I worry that Americans no
longer want to be free. I worry that people just
don't care anymore. That they might think what's happening in
the country is wrong, with what's happening at the southern border,
or what happened during COVID or the loss of liberty.

(00:23):
They might not like it, but they're just not motivated
enough to do anything about it, to care enough to
write this ship. And if we keep that mentality and
we lose twenty twenty four, is the country as we
know it over?

Speaker 2 (00:39):
Or maybe it already is.

Speaker 3 (00:41):
I'm gonna have.

Speaker 1 (00:41):
Daniel Horowitz on this episode. He's a senior editor at
The Blaze. He also is a host of the cr
podcast as well. He co authored a book called The
Rise of the Fourth Right, talking about fascism from COVID,
the loss of liberty, the destruction that happened to this country.

(01:03):
So I want to have that conversation with him, because
you know, we see them trying to resuscitate COVID in
the country, and so where is this going? Why have
we not learned? But the conversation is going to be
bigger than that. We're going to talk about twenty twenty four.
We're going to talk about Joe Biden. Is either one
pulling the strings or is someone else where? Is this

(01:24):
all going as a country, So stay tuned. I think
you're really going to enjoy this conversation with a fascinatingone
with Daniel Horwitz. Daniel, it's great to have you on
this show. I'm interested in just getting your perspective on
this crazy world that we're living in. So appreciate you

(01:44):
making the time.

Speaker 3 (01:45):
Sure and it's great to be with you, Lisa.

Speaker 4 (01:46):
I mean, the last time we spoke was probably when
you were young, Steph or in Congress we worked on
some issues together, so I guess we've both grown older.

Speaker 3 (01:55):
But the world has gotten net era.

Speaker 2 (01:57):
Have we gotten wiser?

Speaker 4 (01:58):
I would hope to think we've gotten wiser, But you know,
whatever we thought we needed to do maybe when we
first met ten years ago, twelve years ago, it's got
to be ten times stronger than that. What are we facing?
I mean, you put everything together, and you know, when

(02:20):
I got into this, it was a matter of the
culture was on decline. You had a lot of profligacy,
spending overbearing government. Now what you have is a threat
to life, liberty, and property in its most literal, literal sense.
COVID wasn't just about COVID. It was a great reset,

(02:41):
and along with it, we saw it came January sixth BLM,
the two tier justice system, the green energy stuff to
the point where they're open about wanting you to own nothing,
eat bugs, live in fifteen minute cities and be happy,
literally erasing a border.

Speaker 3 (03:01):
It's not just kind of ones and twos coming in.

Speaker 4 (03:03):
But open invasion, open pro crime, castration of children. So
and then obviously the biomedical security, experimentation and surveillance state,
which just would have blown our minds when you and
I were working on whatever issues we were a decade ago.
So we have never faced such an existential thread on

(03:26):
so many levels from our own government, our own system,
And we've never had a bigger movement of noisemakers identifying
those problems like we do today. But never before has
there been such a gap between those talking about it
and then actually doing the things that matter in the

(03:47):
way they matter, at the time they matter, to address them.
So that's kind of my big thirty thousand foot view
of where we are today's conservatives.

Speaker 1 (03:55):
I mean, it is wild if you relate just how
much has changed in decat alone. I mean, never in
my life did I think we would be here or
go through what we went through with COVID. At the
bottom of it, do Americans care? Is it just that
not enough people are awake? Or do they just not care?
Do they not care about freedom anymore? As a country?
Did they not care about what the government's doing?

Speaker 4 (04:16):
This is the most vexing issue to me, following COVID.
In your worst imagination to think when you got into politics,
you know, a decade or two ago, think about your
worst nightmare. If Barack Obama would have won, if this
Democrat would have won, men, imagine what they could do
to us. I could not have envisioned what took place

(04:36):
with COVID. Creating a virus, killing people, blocking the treatment
for it, locking them down, and then creating a dangerous
bioweapon vaccine that from Pfizer and the European medicine agencies,
and there's their own documentation, has killed countless people, damaged
every organ system, and they're still doing it. They're creating

(04:59):
new ones. And here we are, and life goes on.
Life goes on.

Speaker 3 (05:04):
I guess in a.

Speaker 4 (05:04):
Country of three hundred and thirty million, if a millionaire
so die, you know, you don't notice it that much.
It's it's pretty shocking. And the question that a lot
of us are asking is if that wasn't enough to
spawn a cathartic moment, what is it going to take?
Because I shuddered a think, I mean, this is why
Steve Dason and I wrote Rise to the Fourth Reich

(05:27):
that we need to confront COVID fascism with a new
number trial and redress this at least, if not a
trial in the state legislatures at a policy level, we
still have not denuded them of the power to do
this again in most states, and certainly at a federal level.
And I don't see a party or a movement really
readily available that is intent on doing this. And it's

(05:50):
not even you know, etched in people's consciousness anymore. They
could do this through the front door. And I don't know,
you know, Lisa had to answer it. I think I
kind of magnified your question. But what I would say
is I struggle between thinking life is still too good

(06:12):
in Western countries, that not enough people, not enough people
died from it. Not enough people permanently had their lives destroyed.
Not enough people were permanently kicked out of the military.
It took its toll, But it's not you know, thirty
forty fifty percent of people versus is it a leadership problem?

(06:32):
Maybe the people would care if you put steak on
their plate, but if you acculturate people to choose it
and sugar, they'll take the sugar. So you know, we
have a conservative industry. Let's face it, Lisa, it's bigger
than it's ever been. It's more profitable than it's ever been.
With the advent of social media, you could now satiate

(06:54):
your desire or stated desire to accomplish things by merely tweeting,
which you didn't have when I got to politics. You
have to actually be working towards some sort of outcome,
and it's just become too profitable. So we have the show,
We have a lot of entertainment, but on the issues
that matter, in the way they matter, at the time
they matter. Oh, look, we have twenty five red state

(07:15):
supermajority is in session. Now here are the things we
can do on medical freedom. This is what I was
pushing last session Oh, we have a budget bill coming
up in Congress in another four weeks. Republicans control the House.
Here's what we can do to address that, all these
top five seven issues that we want to deal with.
You don't hear much of that, you know what I mean.

(07:36):
We don't have an activism movement. We have a movement
built upon entertainment, musing punditry, and the left has that too,
but they also have their serious players. So we could
be at a point where we expose an issue like
I don't know how we could expose the vaccines more
than we did. We have thousands upon thousands of data

(07:58):
points from two and a half years worth. There's no
more evidence we can build. But at a policy level,
we have not moved one inch because we don't have
a movement in place doing that. When I deal with
state legislatures, what I find amazing is that the left
has a fifty state, three thousand county ground game. So

(08:21):
you could have an eighty twenty Trump county within a
right state, and let's say there's a threat of conservatives
finally doing something righteous there, They'll show up, They will
be on the ground there, they will be aware of it,
and they will do everything they can to fight it.
We don't even have a movement like that on the ground,
and you know, legislatures we control five to one, and

(08:44):
that asymmetry is really ultimately where we are. I think
if we had talk show hosts that we're focusing more
on substance, I think people would care more about it.

Speaker 2 (08:55):
That's a good point.

Speaker 1 (08:56):
I also just wonder though, if, like our a culture
with social media and everything being online and in the
ease of life has sort of led people to lose
motivation for things of substance.

Speaker 4 (09:09):
There's no question, because you could satiate yourself by there's
two ways you can own the libs, so to speak.
You can own them by actually denuding them of their power,
kind of like you have in your state, where on
every front he just does, the governor just does, doesn't
make a lot of noise about it, or you can
make it a lot of noise, and you have a

(09:30):
clip of a congressman interrogating someone at a hearing but
no intention of actually doing the one or two things
that it would take to push that past the goal line,
and people get all excited about it. I mean, but
what I would say, Lisa is a little bit confounding
is how when and this is not just about the

(09:51):
presidential election, but I think it's bringing this point out
very starkly, substance over style, access versus in Luen's outcomes
versus entertainment. And what I am very struck by is
that if you look at the pulling, DeSantis has a
much better chance of winning a general election than he

(10:14):
does the primary. And that's really a gut punch because
I would have said in the past, yeah, you know,
our country is not serious enough, you couldn't elect a
guy like that. But honestly, I actually think he'd win.
It's our own people that have become the problem.

Speaker 1 (10:27):
We're going to take a quick commercial break more with
Daniel Horwitz on the other side, and that's you know
what worries me the most about this upcoming election, because
you know, we both we've worked in politics, We've been
in this game for a long time, and it used
to be like, oh, yeah, this is a really important election,
YadA YadA, YadA, and like it was. But you know,

(10:49):
how big of a difference would it be if it
was a Democrat versus I mean, Obama was pretty consequential.
But you know what I mean, it's not like the
end of the world, right, like it sucks people lose
their jobs, whatever. But where we are now, it really
does feel like we are just on the cusp of
losing the country that we've known, that just going past

(11:11):
the point of return, and maybe we're already there, but
this election really is truly that important, and I just worry.
You know, Look, I don't dislike Trump, but enthusiastically been
with him in the past. I just I don't see
how he wins a general election, you know, particularly just
facing all these indictments that he is, which.

Speaker 2 (11:30):
We know are unfair. I mean, we know what they're doing,
what they're up to.

Speaker 1 (11:34):
We might just throw it away and then there really
is no point of return after this election.

Speaker 3 (11:40):
That's the issue. I'm not seeing an exit strategy.

Speaker 4 (11:44):
And what bothers me about this is you listen to
my podcast, and Lisa, I sound as apocalyptic as anyone.
But the difference is I actually believe my own talking points.
I actually believe that so many of my colleagues they
say the same things. They're gonna come round us up,

(12:04):
They're coming after our bodies, They're poisoning us, They're gonna
I literally do believe that the things I say on
my show, they will come if we don't stop this
within a year or two, that FBI will come knocking
on my door, if not in a short period of time.

Speaker 3 (12:20):
How do I know that?

Speaker 4 (12:20):
Because you just look at the January sixth stuff, and
you have people that did nothing but step foot into
the capitol, military veterans, no criminal record, and their political
statements were used as pretext to hold them pre trial
with no bail, no violent charges against them, even Dooj's
Trump of charges and sometimes given ten years, and the

(12:45):
judge talks about their political views. So you're not punishing
them for what they did, but for what they believe.
So I believe I agree with the Trump supporters when
they say this is not just about Trump, it's not
all of us, but then make it about all of us. See,
this is my problem. I listened to Trump on my
colleague Glenn Beck yesterday, and Trump said, Glenn asked him,

(13:11):
don't you fear going to jail? I mean, because all
of our colleagues are saying they're gonna put him in jail.
And I'm not just saying that to get listeners.

Speaker 2 (13:19):
I believe that, No, I really do think they're going
to put him in jail.

Speaker 4 (13:21):
Yeah, yeah, no, I mean we both believe that. There's
because we watched January sixth. Because a lot of them,
especially in DC, the judges and the jurors, they they
were punished commensurate to how much they supported Trump. We
actually have a guy that literally did nothing but step

(13:42):
foot there. He got four years. Okay, And just for context,
the guy who burnt down Precinct three in Minneapolis, the
police station, literally torched it, got twenty seven months. It's
two years and three months. So and also this guy
was held twenty months pre trial, free trial, without bail.

(14:02):
So now you might think that's crazy. He was one
of the oath keepers. He got the least amount of time,
and the judge's like, yeah, you really didn't do anything.
Oh so here's four years. But the reason he got
less is because he had no social media. He was
literally a political he was just there for security. They're
worried about Antifa. I don't even know if he had
an opinion on the election, But so what if you

(14:23):
believe the election was stolen, whether you're right or wrong,
that's not a that shouldn't have a bearing in what
you did you get punished for what you did? So,
I have no doubt out of ninety one combined federal
and state charges, with the jury pool that they have,
there is no way there is not a minimum of
prison time. But Trump said he's not worried.

Speaker 3 (14:43):
Why not.

Speaker 4 (14:44):
Either he's aloof or he knows something we don't know,
or has made some sort of a deal that we
don't know of something. But I actually take it seriously,
which is why there's only one thing that could stop this,
and that is House rept Publicans led by McCarthy, who,
by the way, is only in that office because of
Trump himself saying that we will not vote for any

(15:09):
additional funding for the Department of Justice when it sunsets
midnight October first, unless there is a provision defunding Jack
Smith's office. And recently Representative Andrew Clyde Clyde from Georgia
introduced such an amendment. He's on the Probations Committee. And
I'm not seeing Trump nor any of the supporters even

(15:30):
call for that. I'm seeing selling merchandise, I'm seeing the mugshots.
I'm not understanding how that helps stop this. I understand
how that helps him win the primary I get that,
I don't understand how that redresses his issue much less
our issue, which obviously should be the overarching goal. But again,

(15:54):
there's this moral hazard that you and I might picture
ourselves being arrested, but I think a lot of our
colleagues do not, and it's not their their neck on
the on the line, and at the end of the day,
they have a lot of listeners from saying what they're saying,
so they don't actually get on the playing field to
push outcomes very specific things that we need to be doing.

(16:17):
And there's this moral hazard where the more the left
wins and the more radical they get, and the more
ineffective the GOP and the fake conservative movement is in
combating it. Well, what happens, Lisa, the worse it gets
and the more apocalyptic against So the more you can
get on there and chronicle it, But let me tell
you something, there's going to come a time very soon.

Speaker 3 (16:39):
Where you can no longer do that.

Speaker 4 (16:41):
And I think people need to recognize that now.

Speaker 1 (16:43):
I saw that during COVID of just seeing the response
to those of us who didn't get the vaccine and
to you know, to not be allowed to go out
to dinner in New York City to go to work,
you know, to live life, to see people pushing that,
you know, Joe Biden, the winner of death basically be
terrified of your unvaccinated family member, you know, neighbor, and

(17:04):
then people taking them up on that, or you know.
I think it was the rast use in poll where
almost half of Democrats wanted to put the unvaccinated in camps.
I really think that we were heading. That would have
all happened if it hadn't been for Omicron. Like Omicron
sort of deprogrammed people because the people who thought that
they could outrun COVID realized that they could not. And
then once they got it, it was no longer a

(17:24):
dirty thing to get, you know, and then it all
kind of went to the wayside. I mean, they're trying
to resurrect it now. But so I agree with you
on the seriousness of all of this. You know, why
do you think they're trying to resurrect COVID now it's back.

Speaker 2 (17:37):
In the headlines.

Speaker 1 (17:39):
You know, there's some new spooky variant just in time
for the boosters coming out.

Speaker 4 (17:43):
You know, it's really the latter. I mean I would say, now, look,
we need permanent structural reforms at a state and federal
level to make sure an executive can never unilaterally shut
things down, can never unilaterally violate bodily autonomy and demand
people wear masks. But so I But with that said,

(18:08):
I don't think you could. It's hard to do that
more than once because most people are onto it. But
it's really the vaccines. I mean, that's what they were
driving towards. And at the end of the day, they're
going to make a huge push. The New York Times
even talk about this. They just approved dangerous new RSV shots.
So they're going to have people get go into a
pharmacy in a few weeks. By the way, flu RSV

(18:31):
and COVID all in once, and that's what they're looking
to do. So I don't think they're going to be
successful in a mask mandate, but when they put this out,
you're going to get some of the fools to go
and wear it. And I think you're seeing it a
little bit more prevalent than the last couple of months.
And again that is a symbol of fear. Fear drives

(18:52):
a focus on what we need to take precautions, all
precautions you have to get your negatively effective vaccine that
the more you inject, the more you infect, the more
you can then push more fear and motivate people to
get another booster because the first one didn't work, and
rinse and repeat. This is a permanent and it's not
just about greed. It's a way of life. I think

(19:14):
you can tell. It's it's almost like a symbol like
mologue almost this obsession with endless, endless vaccines. That's endless
control over our body. And look, there's not a single
data point that will matter. I don't know if you
saw this, Lisa, but CDC just got rid of their

(19:38):
only post marketing pharmacovigilance program to monitor adverse events of
the vaccine even as they're ramping up new boosters for it.
That was the via safe program. And there's a reason
they're doing it. You know, this is not some random study,
This is not some right wing blog. This is their
own feedback. So people who get the shot get a

(20:01):
paper and they could fill out a form and apply
for the app. That two hundred and fifty fifty million
people got the shots, about eleven million people participated in
v safe to report back their adverse events. Now that's
that's a big sample size, a very very large sample size.
Over eight hundred thousand, or seven point seven percent reported

(20:23):
clinical level injury. And that means that you had to
seek some degree of medical attention your primary care inpatient, er, outpatient,
you know, sort of urgent care clinic, all of those
together was seven point seven percent had that degree. So

(20:44):
more than just maybe you know a little fever or
meleeise or stomach issues, seven point seven percent and about
one percent had to go to the er. This is
their own pharmacovigilance. And this has been going on for
two and a half years, and we are nowhere closer

(21:05):
to taking this off the market. Most estimates have just
in the United States alone at least several hundred thousand
deaths from the vaccine. Obviously, THEIRS has over two million
injuries in it, and we know there's an underreporting factor
easily of twenty twenty five, if not more. You know,
tens of thousands of heart attacks reported to THEIRS, and
strokes and gan beret and Bell's palsy, every affecting every

(21:31):
organ system. We have Pfizer's own documents that now show
that that they observed as of August twenty twenty two,
millions upon millions of injuries, again affecting every single organ system.
They break it out. The European Medicines Agency recently released
these documents. And you know the swine flu of nineteen

(21:55):
seventy six they pulled after a couple hundred cases of
gamb in about two dozen debts. This thing is still
going on, It is still being promoted. It's being promoted
in red states. I just put out a column on this.
You have the Mississippi Department of Health paying churches and

(22:16):
business leaders one thousand dollars to sit and pimp it
in their communities. This is red states. Florida to this
day is the only state putting out informed consent recommending
against it and talking about the injuries, and you know,
shadow boxing CDC on this stuff. All other red state

(22:37):
health directors are like fauci. So you have these Republican
governors like, oh, we're not doing that here, but they're
health directors. Why because there's no pressure on them, maybe
the talk show host calling them out, But why in the.

Speaker 2 (22:49):
First time, because you mentioned, you know, the status symbol
of it.

Speaker 1 (22:51):
Now it's sort of you know, basically, you know you're
a good person if you get at whatever. But why
push them so hard before? Like, why has this been
such an orchestrated, coordinated effort to get shots in the
arms of as many people as they can around the world,
Like what's the why behind that?

Speaker 4 (23:12):
Why they were very successful? I mean, like I'm telling you,
even two and a half years later, Red States have
not Why.

Speaker 1 (23:18):
Do you what's the motivation push back against It's odd
to me, And.

Speaker 4 (23:22):
The success proves the motivation because the fact that they
can get away with this makes it obvious why they're
doing it. They're doing it because if you look at
the things they talk about, population reduction, full control, too
many resources. They have now accustom people to listening to

(23:45):
apocalyptic edicts even if it affects their literally their body.
So you could imagine if they want to do and
this is clearly step two of the great reset green
energy lockdowns, that doesn't even affect your body literally that
I could say, you know, you cannot participate in society

(24:06):
unless you do you take an affirmative action against your body.
You put something on your breathing holes, you inject something
subcutaneously in your body, a novel therapy, So there's quite
literally nothing they.

Speaker 3 (24:19):
Can't do to you.

Speaker 4 (24:21):
So what I'm trying to say is once they do that,
they get everything, because then they could easily say, hey,
you know you want to participate in the economy, that's
a little bit too much carbon for you. So whether
it's essential bank, digital currency, whether it's ESG, whether it's
just this straight up controlling our way of living, they're

(24:41):
telling us what they want to do. And look, Lisa,
I will say, beyond the control, there is this population reduction.

Speaker 3 (24:48):
They say it.

Speaker 4 (24:49):
I don't know if you saw Kamala Harris said it
Green Editor, we get enough people on green energy, clean
and efficient, we will reduce the population and will have
fewer people and will be able to live with you know,
more resources. I'm paraphrasing there, but she said reduce the population.
And at some point you have to take yes for

(25:11):
an answer and listen to what they're saying, because you
cannot escape that conclusion from the amount of information we
have on the carnage that the spike protein, among other
elements of this vaccine causes. You know, you could say
the first few months you're in a rush, maybe you know,
you think we need something, so you cut corners on safety.

(25:31):
But we are two and a half years into in
controvertible evidence of this thing affecting every organ system and
this thing being negatively effective on COVID and other respiraory viruses.
Right because moderna adviser's own clinical trials for children showed
a greater increase for RSV, and not surprisingly that now

(25:52):
they have RSV shots, they get to say, Hey, there's
all this RSV going around, guess what you need more vaccines.
That is the single greatest way you can control a
human being. That I could inject your body, I could
cover your mouth and your nose, and I mean, look, Lisa,
you know this. Our movement was muted like hell in

(26:16):
twenty twenty. They talked about my liberty, their whole lives,
their whole careers, and we came to the super Bowl
of liberty. It was awfully muted from most of these
talk show hosts, awfully muted. And I think some of
that had to do with well, let me just say,
had Hillary been in the White House, I think there
would have been a much more robust conservative influencer and

(26:38):
red state pushback against that.

Speaker 3 (26:42):
But there wasn't.

Speaker 4 (26:43):
And I said at the time, I said, look, if
they could say that we could place a mandate. You
know a lot of people compared it to wearing a
yellow star. But a yellow star is an inanimate thing
put on your lapel. As repulsive as it is, this
is put on your breathing holes in some cases for
eight hours a day to go to school to work.

(27:04):
I said, namely, one thing they can't do to you.
If they could do that, what can't they do to you?
Anything else you come up with, I'll tell you it
doesn't rise to the level of tyranny of a mass mandate.

Speaker 1 (27:15):
Quick break, stay with us. You know how I view
the transgender stuff too. If they can get us to
go along with something that is just so laughable and
so ridiculous, they own us, you know, like you're just
an owned person at that point. If you go along
with something that's just not you know, it's almost like
a troll, like they're trolling us, you know. But it's important,

(27:38):
right because you need to say no to these lies
and not submit. But I wanted to ask you. You know,
there's sort of like this, you know, I hear all
these different things about you know, Joe Biden. Oh, you know,
he's just old. He's a puppet for other people. He's
not really the one pulling strings. I actually think that
he's evil. And you know, if you look throughout the
history of his career, you know whether it's leading some

(28:00):
of the nastiest confirmation hearings in American history with Robert
Borrick or Clarence Thomas. Just the amount of lies that
he's told and the disgusting lies that he's told, cashing
in with his son, Like, I actually think he's an evil,
bad human being, and maybe even worse than Obama. Not
a smart but I think he's a bad person. Is
he the one pulling the strings? I mean, what do

(28:21):
you think about all that?

Speaker 4 (28:22):
No, I don't, and I don't think that's the case
with a lot of presidencies. Soo many people get focused
too much on one thing. They're obsessively against Biden or
obsessively pro Trumper against Trump. And the thing is, what
I admire about the Left is they have the most
successful implementation of their ideas under the most weak, flasted,

(28:47):
almost almost a dead carcass like Biden. Because they don't
need a charismatic leader. They have a movement that's something
we do not have. I admire the Left. You could
say you want about Biden and can't put a sentence together,
can't walk straight. But you know what, whatever it is,
they're being successful in their implementation whatever it is. He

(29:09):
owned Kevin McCarthy in that debt ceiling deal, and they've
now issued more debt since then than in all of
American history, and that is funding all of their priorities
and obviously creating inflation. The thing is, like I said,
they have serious people who believe their talking points. So

(29:32):
when you hear Rachel Maddau or whatever type of talkers
they have on MSNBC and their reporters on CNN, they
have serious dudes on the ground, a serious movement, whether
it's policy, legal, all fifty states, federal, every subcommittee of
every committee, every sub issue of every issue, they never

(29:56):
miss a play down the field, an opportunity to vance
and implement their agenda. Okay, you're never gonna have a
Democrat governor that mistakenly promotes traditional marriage one day or
mistakenly kicks illegal aliens out of this state. Right, you
don't have them subvert their own beliefs, so you don't
need one big leader. It's kind of like when you

(30:17):
start a camp fire. You know, my kids, when I
was teaching them how to do it, they would just
want to dump light or fluid on and I would
show them that doesn't work. You have to painstakingly create
the tinder and the dry wood and the shavings, and
you build up to it. And that's how you build
a durable fire. That's what the left hass a movement.
It's not any one piece of wood or any one person.

(30:39):
They don't have a trump, so to speak, where everyone
that just will follow the guy to the gates of hell,
no matter what he says or does, or even if
he subverts your own stated goals, like all the shows
I've been on the last two years, like the vaccine
is genocide, and then he gets up there and says,
my vaccine saved a million people, and not a single
person will even attempt to mildly rebuke him and move

(31:02):
him back to the right. On that the left doesn't have. That,
they don't tolerate that they have a movement. They believe
they're talking points and they implement it. Lisa, we are
lacking that movement. We have an industry. We don't have
a movement. We have an industry, and that's the asymmetry.
So we're always looking for this one guy. You know,

(31:23):
I support DeSantis over Trump, but in a very different way,
not in the same way they do. I don't think, oh,
you just get him in there, Oh my gosh, it's down.

Speaker 3 (31:32):
To the promised Land.

Speaker 4 (31:33):
What I support is I want that to be the
paradigm that every governor of a red state is a
minimum Ron DeSantis, every state legislative leader in a red state,
majority leader and speaker is at a minimum like that.
Every county councilman and school board member in a red
district is like that, focused on implementation, believes in our views,

(31:57):
and heck takes it to the next level. Does it
even better that he's done. That's mainly what I want,
because that's the movement we're lacking and the paradigm we're lacking.
But we're always looking for this one issue or one
guy or one thing to come along or one election.

Speaker 3 (32:14):
There's no shortcut. You're not going to meme.

Speaker 4 (32:17):
Your way or mugshot your way into anything. The left
is not into that. You know a lot of people
are like, I don't see anyone excited about Joe Biden.
Of course you don't. No one's excited about him, but
they get the job done. They have a movement, and
we need to start thinking of how we do that.

Speaker 1 (32:36):
But then, you know, the people who are actively supporting
Trump right now for twenty twenty four will say, well,
he's the only guy who's been able to build a
movement on the right, and everyone needs to align behind him.

Speaker 4 (32:48):
Movement around what well, I mean, you know, on implementation,
I'm just going to tell you the Red States are
worse than they've ever been. The only governor that actually
does something of worthy, they're trash. Now, I mean, you
know this is my bread and butter, because you remember
my primary work. I've been doing this long before Trump.

(33:08):
I recruited against McConnell in twenty fourteen, before it was cool.
Now everyone's like, oh it is terrible. Yeah, well, no
one joined when it mattered. But here's the deal. I mean,
you you remember me back in the day. I will
tell you we have actually gone backwards on Senate and
gubernatorial and congressional primaries. We are not and I'm not

(33:28):
even saying Trump versus DeSantis like a DeSantis paradigm, even
a Trump paradigm. Most of these guys are not even
like Trump they're the same chamber crats. They're the same people.
But what the Trump movement has given them is a
panic button. If you notice, all they do is they'll
just ingratiate themselves to Trump as a person. So that

(33:50):
diffuses any ability to get them out. But they're on policy.
They're the same people, and they learn that, and I
don't blame them. It's a very easy way out. So
they're the same chamber crats that give him to the
same corporate interests. But they'll just say something nice about.

Speaker 3 (34:06):
Trump and done.

Speaker 4 (34:07):
They get his endorsement and you're done. Ironically, the only
great endorsement that it was ever impactful, Trump now regrets.
You know, that's a big problem. And this is my
criticism of them. I don't care. Vote for Trump, vote
for him early, vote firm often.

Speaker 3 (34:22):
I don't care.

Speaker 4 (34:23):
But we need to work on getting him to endorse
better people. We need to get him on message on
our issues. We need to get him to stop with
this Laura Lumer crap and the Roger Stone stuff and
the Bruce Jenner stuff and the Don Junior you know,
don't be mean to Bud Light stuff and attacking from
the left on Disney and all this crap that we

(34:45):
wouldn't tolerate with anyone else. We need to get off
of that and not allow any person to stantis Trump
or anyone derail us from our stated objectives. Stop promoting
Kevin McCarthy and Rona McDaniel just because a Trump endorses that.
I mean, I could go on and on the policy
and personnel problems with him. We are not better off.

(35:07):
We do not have a stronger Republican party. It has
not changed. They have just fused with him. They indulge
his rhetoric, and they do the same things because they
recognize that the base and this movement you talk about
is not serious about their own stated objectives. How do

(35:27):
you have all these people that would say the same
thing I did about the vaccines and they're not bothered
one inkling that if you believe the biomedical security state
is the biggest threat, Trump believes that warp speed, which
is being followed up upon every day, is the greatest
thing ever. I mean, but then again, Lisa, there's nothing

(35:52):
new about Trump. I marvel at a lot of our
colleagues that came to age under Trump, so they have
no kind of political perspective or worldview beyond him. They
think that it's just you know, there was an establishment
and he came in and some of us were fighting
that long before. And ironically, I'll tell you I did

(36:15):
not vote for Mitt Romney in the general election in
twenty twelve. Now I'm from Maryland, so it wasn't such
an impactful state. Maybe if I would have been in
a swing state, maybe I would have. We had an
election over Obamacare and we nominate the freaking guy that
was the grandfather of it.

Speaker 1 (36:31):
So it's a similar thing here, although in fairness, I
do think, I mean, Trump was able to get some
working class voters over voting for him.

Speaker 2 (36:42):
That, like admit Romney.

Speaker 4 (36:44):
Electoral politics about policy. I'm talking about policy, ultimate outcomes.

Speaker 3 (36:51):
Where we are where we landed.

Speaker 4 (36:54):
Look at the personnel, the Gary Cones and the Stephen
Minuchin's and the Tiller sins and Kelly's and the and
and the madness is all these people and Kushner and
I mean and look at the time, we tried as
hard as we could. I had friends in the admin,
but they were never at the top. And we tried,
we tried, we tried, we tried. We were always playing.

Speaker 3 (37:15):
In a way game.

Speaker 4 (37:17):
We were never able to make the case from the right.
It was always a but the rhinos, but the Okay,
I get that, but there are some serious issues. See incontrovertibly.
Trump has done some good things we wanted, and he's
done some things we didn't want, and you could weigh
that in your mind, but incontrovertibly even I mean, and

(37:40):
you know who these people are, they know deep down
there are some serious policy, personnel problems, you know, character problems,
focused problems. Okay, there, there's there's some issues there. Done
some good things, but there's definitely issues there. There is
no attempt to vet that out. We are hundreds of
days away from a general election. I don't want to

(38:01):
hear this crap. But the Democrats, this is not about
the Democrat time. Okay, Wait, we have a lot a
lot of time to say. The primary is over and
there's nothing to see about DeSantis and I'm gonna make
sure to let him get away without ever debating Mono Almano.
That is a debate we should all want. These are
two people with the most significant records. They both have

(38:25):
significant records that inform on the issues and strategies of
our time, and we deserve a mono, a mount of debate.
If you're a Trump person, that would strengthen him or
it should you should want that if this is not
about the man but an objective, I view DeSantis as
a vehicle and one of many, because we really need

(38:49):
to focus on having these fifty to five Republican legislators
actually do something of value, which they're not. Like, why
are we talking about Florida all the time? We should
have twenty other states.

Speaker 1 (39:01):
Although I do think Destanta's is though uniquely different than
most people, and this you know, I've interacted with him all,
I've gotten to know him. I mean, the guy is
actually brilliant. So I do think he's uniquely different in
the sense of he he just sees things clearly. He
knows how to be effective, he knows the way government works.
So I do think, you know, he is sort of
a different beast. Unfortunately, you know, he's not been able to.

Speaker 4 (39:24):
Why aren't we grooming candidates to be more like I'm
just gonna tell you.

Speaker 1 (39:28):
Yeah, I don't think they're as smart as him to be.
I honestly like, he's like uniquely smart.

Speaker 4 (39:33):
Well, the smart there is also committed to I mean,
there's a certain backbone because right now.

Speaker 2 (39:39):
The backbone aspect is a huge part of it.

Speaker 4 (39:41):
But you could be the biggest chamber crat around and
give in and turn your Red state into crap. But
as long as you kiss one man's rear end, your
your gold destantus is dirt. But these other governors are gold.
That is a problem, he forward, because what we really
need is pressure on these other governors. Why are you

(40:04):
doing like just today political ad an article very important?
What's one of the worst things that are threatening us?
Like I said, the second COVID, the Green New Deal. Okay,
that is existential to our way of life, our standard
of living, and we are able to block it without
repealing it, you know how, kind of like Medicaid expansion
if the Red States would refuse to take the money.

(40:27):
Because most people don't know this, but most of the
wind and solar grift is actually in Red States because
they have more land. And ironically, it takes a lot
of land mess because this is actually not very eco friendly.
It's a scan and most the Red States is where
most of the land is. They are gobbling that up
like anything. Actually, Biden mentioned this in a State of

(40:50):
the Union address and he wasn't wrong. You know, for
all of his incoherence, he was on fire with this.
He said, all right, guys, you know you all voted
again say it, But you have all these Republican governors
clamoring to come at the to to be seen with
me at these red ribbon ceremonies unveiling their new green projects.
That's fine, I'm president of all the people. Remember you

(41:12):
said that, and you know he's not wrong. They are
all groveling.

Speaker 3 (41:16):
You know what.

Speaker 4 (41:16):
Desantists turned down the money. So the first one is
that I'm not taking it. We're not doing that here
and there are. The thing about to Saint is, it's
not just that he did more conservative stuff than any
other governor. It's he has cured the kryptonite of what

(41:37):
has prevented red states from being read and what has
prevented conservatives from actually governing in the way we want now.
A lot of Republicans are frauds, but not all of
them are. Some of them get in genuinely believing in
what we believe in. But there are three impediments to

(41:58):
why why you don't see another to Santus. Number one
identity politics. Right, everything is you're a racist so they
won't touch anything like, for example, what other governor will
directly get, you know, say I'm not going to do
ap African American studies. I mean that's like an institution.
I mean usually they won't. They won't do policies that

(42:18):
could have a second or third order of magnitude consequence
accused of being you know, towards black people, a program
being cut off or whatever. He can ap African Americans.
Screw it, he has anti white stuff there crt. You
got to get rid of it. He doesn't care the
identity politics, just doesn't touch it. Second thing is corporate politics. Okay,

(42:42):
so for example, especially in small red states, you know,
the smaller red states, if anything, the corporations overpower their
politics even more than at a federal level. So the
biggest employers in a given state are usually what the
healthcare carte had. Hey, why was ASA Hutchinson horrible? In Arkansas?

(43:03):
Vetoing COVID legend, you know, freedom, medical freedom, legislators vetoing bills,
And in Castration it's he's bought out by Walmart, JB.
Hunt and Tyson's that's what controls the politics. So you
might have the people conservative, but that doesn't matter. You
go to the Dakotas and Christy Nome literally primaried friends

(43:25):
of mine who had legislation trying to prevent companies from
issuing mandates, vaccine mandates. That's how strongly she felt about it.
She would not entertain any of that. As everyone remembers,
she vetoed. Even the weak sports bill, like the female
sports is the low hanging initiative in terms of combating

(43:47):
the training agenda. Is it that Christine? Yeah, isn't that
Christy Nome privately is a leftist and has a rainbow
flag in her house. No, But at the end of
the day, Sandford Health and and they run the state.
It's the same reason why she refuses to to, you know,
follow the Freedom Caucus and call a special session to

(44:08):
deal with the green energy land grabs eminent domain issue. There,
it's all corporate politics. You look at this man and DeSantis,
he doesn't give a darn. He not only will do
the right thing despite them, he'll then go after them,
the sugar lobby, Disney. He just doesn't care. The biggest
employers in the state, and number three is federal funding.

(44:32):
I could tell you every Republican when we try to
get them to get off the to ban mass mandates
and hospitals.

Speaker 3 (44:39):
They're like, we can't do it.

Speaker 4 (44:40):
The CMS funding, the CMS funding in Florida, so they
refuse to implement it on the National Guard. Now, they
threatened they would cut off funding, but you know what
happened in the end, they never even did it. And
this is what he just did with the green energy.

Speaker 3 (44:55):
I'm not taking it. I'm not taking the funding.

Speaker 4 (44:59):
I want you guys to think of every the top
twenty issues your listeners care about, and if you want
to know why red states are not truly read on
those issues, it's one of those three or a combination identity,
corporate or federal funds. Okay, it's why illegal immigration. Okay,
let's face it, every Republicans are all the border is terrible.

(45:22):
But when it boils down to it, the governors of
Oklahoma and Idaho just tried to get driver's.

Speaker 3 (45:27):
License to them.

Speaker 4 (45:28):
Why to the ideologically support it? Probably not, but it's
all the egg interest, all the business interests in De
Santa's like, I don't care, this is the right thing
to do.

Speaker 3 (45:38):
We're going to do it.

Speaker 4 (45:39):
And ironically, I don't know if you saw this new
York Times article where this roofing company said we're going
to go to the Carolinas in Georgia, And I said,
wait a minute, that's kind of funny because on paper
they have a private use e verify to Actually most
othern states do seven others, but they know it's a joke,

(46:00):
it's not enforced. They know he will actually do it.

Speaker 1 (46:03):
You got to win, though, before we go. Take us
through the primary. Take us through what you think is
gonna happen coming up here with the primary and then
the general election. You know, how do you see? I
love Govered Santus, Right, I moved to Florida for a reason.
I left New York City. Right, you gotta win the primary. Right,
You've got to win to do the things that you're
laying out. So what do you foresee happening over the

(46:26):
next few months with the primary and the general election.
Take us through your thought process and all of this.

Speaker 4 (46:31):
You know, when it comes to primary obviously, just because
you what's right is not always popular, and what's popular
is not always right. I mean I've lost almost every
primary because I've gone after incumbents.

Speaker 3 (46:42):
So then the big name GOP.

Speaker 4 (46:43):
And there's nothing different here he is a de facto
an incumbent, and it is extremely hard to dislodge that
in the primary. It's the same reason why I failed
to get rid of Fed cochran and to get rid
of Mitch McConnell. We just in Mississippi tried to get
rid of the lieutenant governor who's a chamberkrat, but no
one focused on that or gave a darn. So he
won by seven points. And I mean this, this has

(47:05):
always happened, so it is not easy to be then surgeic.
But make no mistake, he is then surgeon. So I'm
not saying being a prognosticator and saying it's the most
likely scenario. It doesn't take away the fact that it's
the right thing to do, both from a policy standpoint
of you know, a moral standpoint, principal standpoint, and from

(47:25):
a electoral standpoint, because of course the left's going to
come after him. I mean, you're in Florida, the Miami
Tampa media crush him every day. But at least it's
going to be over you're kidnapping illegal aliens.

Speaker 3 (47:37):
You know.

Speaker 4 (47:38):
I too many trunk people think, well, the let's just
gonna be unfair and steal everything anyway. But at the
end of the day, you're trying to appeal to swing voters,
and you know, no matter what you do, you could
have Moses come down with the tablets. Forty seven percent
are going to vote against you. They're going to vote
for the Democrat. But in those margins is where it matters,

(47:58):
you know, whether you just turn people off with stupidity
where you're actually you're focused on selflessness, and that's the
image he gives off. So I am very much, very
bullish on his prospects in a general election that we
could actually get our foot in the door to have
a conversation about the spending causing the inflation in our

(48:18):
way of life and then taking away all the vital
products and services we want, and the biomedical fascism and
freedom and the border and all this stuff. Now, as
far as the primary, look, if this were a national primary,
if this were a national primary, he just sends this
would have no chance. And that's pretty clear. At the
end of the day, it's a stagger a primary. And

(48:41):
in Iowa you have even an NBC reporter said, on
the ground, it is a very different circumstance. You're starting
to see a little bit of a reverse shift in momentum.
He's got a win Iowa. You know, is he favored
at this moment to win Iowa. No, but it's actually
pretty close from most people will tell you because most

(49:02):
pollsters just keep in mind they don't have access to
the caucus data who turned out in the caucus.

Speaker 2 (49:08):
I think he can win Iowa, but then you've got
to win.

Speaker 3 (49:11):
Okay, so wins, but you've.

Speaker 1 (49:12):
Got to go out, but you can't do the Ted cruise.
Now he wins Iowa, and you know, you've got to
win New Hampshire, South Carolina or you can't just be Iowa.

Speaker 3 (49:21):
A couple things.

Speaker 4 (49:22):
First of all, South Carolina, if you look at the polling,
it's tracking right around Iowa. The governor has his military background,
and Trump's Trump's ceiling. Here's what's important. Trump's ceiling is
lower in the first three major states than nationally. That
is a fact that no one disagrees with. It's surprise.

(49:43):
I thought South Carolina would be very strong.

Speaker 3 (49:45):
It's not.

Speaker 4 (49:46):
He's Trump is very strong into Vada, but that's less important.
So that he's the most favored to win in South
Carolina's the same story. What happened with Ted is there's
two differences that happen with Ted that presumably don't apply here.
Number one is that you had the Ben Carson thing.

(50:07):
If you remember, he had no momentum because they all
said he stole the thing, whether it was fair or not,
by Steve King coming out and saying that that Ben
Carson was dropping out, and Cruse got crushed, I mean,
and then he apologized. He got crushed. I mean, his

(50:29):
Iowa win was worthless, whether it was fair or not.
That's what happened. Also, I don't know if you remember
your current employer, you know put out this meme Bronze
was the new goal. If you remember, if you came
from Mars, you would have thought Marco Rubio won the primary,
so they really promoted him. Presumably you're not going to
have that, so you know, that was an anomaly. Otherwise,

(50:53):
Cruz was able to compete even one states thereafter, but
that crushed him. Number two is Trump has gone from
New Hampshire being his strongest state to his weakest state.
So again and this is just you know, this is
just horse race. I'm not going on what I want
to happen. But Trump was inherently very strong in the

(51:16):
Northeast before he became president and people soured on him.
This was very true in the primary even in general.
If you remember, he over performed in New York, Connecticut,
Rhode Island. He didn't win those states, but he overperformed.
So in New Hampshire he was always very, very strong,
and it was always a tough lift, even without the

(51:38):
Carson thing for Iowa to necessarily carry crews in New Hampshire.
Now it's flipped. New Hampshire is the most college educated state,
so he's become very weak with that.

Speaker 3 (51:50):
Now. De Saint Is is weak in New Hampshire, but
so is Trump.

Speaker 4 (51:53):
Trump has the highest anti Trump vote against him in
New Hampshire of any state may except for Utah, but
certainly in the early state, more so than even Iowa.
In other words, Iowa Cruise DeSantis has a pretty big path.
But Trump is still well liked. Trump is outside of
the thirty percent. He has a very low ceiling.

Speaker 3 (52:17):
He is not liked. Now.

Speaker 4 (52:19):
The problem is it's too muddled now with all these
other candidates, and you have some of the kind of
Christa Nunu type of moderates that are splitting among a
lot of people, but crew we're distant is to win.

Speaker 2 (52:32):
There'll probably be some clearing of the field before Actually
I'm saying, yeah, yeah, he.

Speaker 3 (52:38):
Could still lose.

Speaker 1 (52:39):
Even before Iowa, you'll you'll probably have somebody you know
what I mean, like not everyone's getting problem.

Speaker 4 (52:43):
We're disanti is to win Iowa. There is a very
strong case to be made that that momentum will coalesce
the conservatives that are upset, you know, from the right
for our reasons, and the moderates that are upset for
reasons that you and I maybe would just agree with,
and then there is no I mean, and look, I

(53:04):
will be the first to tell you again this is
horse race. I don't like Chris Nunu. He's exactly the
sort of governor I'm talking about. I don't like him,
but he hates Trump for his own reasons. If DeSantis
wins Iowa, he will absolutely endorse And you already see
that this week, the stuff he said about the debate,
you did not have someone of that stature endorsing Cruise,

(53:28):
and in fact, you know, Trump got all the endorsements.
And then you have South Carolina, where again DeSantis has
his military background. Trump is pulling more around thirty eight
forty than fifty five sixty, like he is in Kentucky
and Louisiana and these kind of these other southern states.
So that is the path. I mean, he wins that

(53:51):
it's game over now, he'll hang on for dear life.
But then a lot of our colleagues, who, lets face it,
they follow the poll. Okay, I mean I had, but again,
there's nothing new about this. I'll never forget. One of
the only races I ever won was Dave Bratt when
he defeated Eric Cantor and nobody would have supported him.

(54:12):
And the day after everyone's like, oh, this is awesome,
and I'm not gonna mention names. But people that would
be the prototypical types to dump on an effort beforehand,
they're like, oh, you know, my dad would like to
be his chief of staff. Here, Daniel, here's his resume,
could give it to Bratt, and people go with winners.
I mean, that's what I can't stand about it. You

(54:33):
and I both know if the polls change, conservative media,
a good portion of them will change, So I think
that would happen. Now, Look, DeSantis has to step up
his game. At the end of the day. You have
the voters we have and there are culturated to the
clown show that we have, and it's not good enough

(54:53):
just to deeply understand his record and what that portends
for what he would do as present. He needs to
grab the voters by the shirt collar and scream it
into their veins. He needs to up his rhetoric. He
needs to get more aggressive, be that lightning rod against
the left.

Speaker 3 (55:13):
You know.

Speaker 4 (55:14):
Naturally, he's more into doing than talking. You see it
with the hurricane. He gains he gains his inspiration from doing,
whereas Trump, you watch it. He's not into governing, but
he loves the rallies. He gets his energy. He's into campaigning.
He's very good at campaigning, although I don't see any
campaign events this time, which is a little bit bizarre,

(55:34):
but you know, that's where he's been good at. Desanti
is at the end of the day, like you're saying,
you know, we could say Trump's not gonna govern and
go He's gonna betray us. He might not win the
general election, and that's true, but it's the same thing
in reverse. DeSantis could have a great chance of winning
a general be a great president. But if you don't
win the primary, it's worthless. So he's got to step

(55:56):
outside his comfort zone up the ante, take more bold,
bold stances, even if he needs.

Speaker 1 (56:03):
A fire under his ass, is what you know he
needs to Yeah, like he needs to act like he's losing,
because he is. And so it's like, you don't really
have anything to lose at this point, so you might
as well just go balls to the wall and like
really get after it, you know, and like and also like,
I'm sorry you can't take on if you're trying to
take on Trump.

Speaker 2 (56:20):
You got to take on Trump.

Speaker 1 (56:21):
You know, you can't be afraid to make your case
and can't be afraid of alienating the Trump people because
you have to convince them. And so like you gotta
you know, you got to go after the king if
you want to win, right, So you know, before last
question before we go, is there any world where you
think Trump can win in general election in twenty twenty four.

Speaker 4 (56:40):
I don't like this never and always thing, because you know,
I think, of course there's a world he could win.
But here's the important thing. I am much more confident
about my policy views than I am at that horse race.
So I had been wrong on horse race before and
a lot of and frankly everyone is, but they don't
admit it. The difference is I don't make the same

(57:00):
mistake twice, so I bought into this whole. Oh yeah,
you know the twenty twenty two polling, and we're gonna
win all the black and Hispanic vote. The bottom line is,
if you look at the polling on Indies, and you
look at the polling in Arizona, Georgia, and Wisconsin and
several similar states, there is this inveterate deadlocked electorate that

(57:22):
was created in response to Trump in twenty eighteen fairly
or on fairly, and it remained for three consecutive election cycles.
Even with the worst inflation, worst melas Biden's negative approval,
it is still there. Could the fourth time be a charm?
It could be, But here's a thing to remember. The

(57:45):
only path I see for Trump is and there is
evidence of this that Biden has slipped even more, that
for whatever reason, the things people didn't realize for the
last four years finally got through their thick skulls. I
know a lot of pollsters who have said this that
the falling on stage really had an impact, so that
people just see Biden as a dead vessel. But here's

(58:09):
the deal. Unlike our side, which will commit suicide, the
left won't and they never do. If they view ultimately
that it's headed in that direction, they'll swap him out
for a fresh face. And you know, I think they
would pick more like a Gretchen whitmer who's you know,

(58:30):
shockingly and appallingly won a landslide in Michigan because I think,
you know, Gavin Newston in California is too much of
a California is too much.

Speaker 3 (58:38):
Of a of a.

Speaker 4 (58:40):
Caricature and a punchline. I don't think they're that stupid.
I mean, he might want the numb, but they would
go with someone more like Gretchen Whitmerger who's just as
radical but clearly has you know, pulled her weight in
the Midwest. And that's that's very hard for someone like
Trump to beat a fresh face when there's so much
fatigue with him running for a third election already, and

(59:01):
that would be true of really any candidate. There's always
going to be fatigue in this era of mass media,
and you know, he's a spent force. So I'm not
gonna say it's never gonna happen. But then then there's
the third thing is the primary, there's the general, but
then there's what happens thereafter, and again not all as
well from the right with that presidency, would I would

(59:22):
put the dividing line more between domestic and foreign. I
think his foreign policy was a lot better. But on
domestic issues.

Speaker 1 (59:29):
I think he was good. He was really good on
foreign policy. I feel like you got to give him that.
He was really good on foreign policy. Gotta give him that.

Speaker 4 (59:35):
But again, I don't give a damn about foreign policy
when our own government's a freaking fourth Reich. I mean,
it's the domestic that matters. And who is his Treasury
secretary going to be? Laura Lumer, Lindsey Graham? I mean,
I mean who around him shares our values and is
I mean the same personnel problem is there. I'm not

(59:55):
seeing him, you know, when he kisses up to Ronal
McDaniel and and and Kevin McCarthy, and he has all
these people around him that are either establishment grifters or
if you want to call them right, they're like people
that say Casey faked or cancer. I mean, I don't see,
I don't And when he won't swear off warp speed

(01:00:19):
you want to swear off the freaking ventilators and the lockdowns.
I don't see a change. I don't and I want
to remind people that you have to look at a
presidency in the future with a dynamic not a static
analysis meaning static. The way the world is today, we
could have never predicted COVID. I want to I want

(01:00:41):
to make this very clear to your listeners. I don't
care if it's Trump, if it's DeSantis, if it's Nicky Hayley,
if it's freaking Mitt Romney, who would become the Republican
nominee and win as president, as long as it's someone
who's not a Democrat. If there was a Publican in
the White House, they will up the ante of these

(01:01:03):
let's just say, transformational events in the world. We think
everything's governed by Oh, the House passes something that the
Senate does, and well they're not going to do that,
come on, and no Republicans yet. But if that's not
what governs our world. We are governed by cathartic events.
And many of them are induced the Ukraine stuff, the

(01:01:25):
COVID stuff, the George Floyd stuff, and it's in that
moment of panic and clamor who is the one man
who is able to see through that, because it will happen.
It doesn't matter what Republican is there. They will create
natural disasters that aren't so natural. They will do a
bunch of things. Remember it's not the Senate and the

(01:01:46):
governors and you know the even the Federal Reserve that
controls what goes on. COVID was concocted and they have
a lot more where that came from. And it's not
just viruses, and you have to look through who will
have the brains and the balls, but in a stable,

(01:02:07):
focused way to cut through that, maybe one other state
where we have a secretary of health like Joe Lattipoe,
or a secretary of education like many dias that will
fight for our views. I cannot find that there's very
few people that are competent and share our values. That's

(01:02:30):
what people need to look towards. This is taking politics
to the next level, beyond the mugshots and the talking points.
This is the debate we need. I don't care who
you support, but before it's too late, I want a
one on one debate. And if Trump comes out the
stronger for it, awesome, But that's the debate that our

(01:02:52):
colleagues are trying to avoid.

Speaker 1 (01:02:54):
You're talking about winning in a way that actually transformed
the transforms the country for a or that's actually you know,
making change, that's actually making a difference. It's actually putting
this country on a trajectory where it's livapool again. You know, Daniel,
We're going to leave it there. I think brains and
Balls might be a good bumper sticker. I'm envisioning it now.

(01:03:16):
Brains and Balls. Very very interesting conversation.

Speaker 2 (01:03:21):
Learned a lot from you. I appreciate you making the time.

Speaker 1 (01:03:23):
Everyone go check out senior editor at The Blaze, host
of the cr podcast, co author of The Rise of
the Fourth Right, Daniel, thanks so much for coming on
the show.

Speaker 2 (01:03:33):
I really appreciate you making the time.

Speaker 3 (01:03:35):
Really had a lot of fun. Take care.

Speaker 1 (01:03:41):
So with Daniel Horowitz, I appreciate him taking the time,
said to join the show and give this sort of
his perspective on, you know, all the stuff happening in
the world. I'm gonna thank you guys at home for
listening every Monday and Thursday, but you can listen throughout
the week. What do you think John Casso and my
producer for putting the show together until next time.
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