August 18, 2025 • 36 mins
Step into the world of Giulio Raimondo, better known as Cardinal Mazarin, whose tenure as Richelieus chosen successor reshaped the landscape of 17th-century France. A master diplomat, Mazarin navigated the complexities of power while maintaining a close, possibly secretive relationship with the Queen-Mother, Anne of Austria. Together, they faced the tumultuous Fronde rebellion, emerging victorious with the strategic brilliance of military commander Turenne by their side. By the time of his death in 1661, Mazarin had not only upheld Richelieus ambitious foreign policy but had also elevated the young Louis XIV to the throne, establishing him as the absolute monarch of one of Europes most formidable nations. As historian Arthur Hassall noted, Mazarins legacy was built on patience, perseverance, and sagacity. (Pamela Nagami)
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
Chapter two of Mazarin by Arthur Hassel. This LibriVox recording
is in the public domain recording by Pamel and Agami,
Chapter two Mazareon's connection with the rebellions in Naples and England.
Sixteen forty three to sixteen forty nine. When Mazaron succeeded Richelie,
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Italy was still a geographic expression. The Spaniards held the
Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and the Tuscan ports, and
were supreme in the Milanese. The War of Castro between
the Papacy and a League of Princes, a war the
outbreak of which had fatally interfered with Richelia's Italian policy,
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continued and was not concluded until sixteen forty four. Divided
and lacking all national feeling, Italy was destined to remain
a prey to intrigue and open to attack till the
pertinacity of the House of Savoy was rewarded and Italy,
in the latter half of the nineteenth century became a nation.
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Mazarin had not been long in office before he determined,
in continuance of Richelia's policy, to hamper the Spaniards by
taking advantage of the chronic discontent in Italy and to
attack either the Milanese or the Tuscan ports. At the
same time. He took every opportunity during the struggle with
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Spain to stir up the Neopolitans to revolt. Though the
gains to France from Mazarin's Italian policy were small, nonetheless,
there is something to be said for a policy which
hampered Spain for many years and occupied large bodies of
her troops. Spain during the Thirty Years War had good
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reason to regret the policy adopted by Charles the Fifth
and his successors at Madrid. Instead of attending to the
true interests of their country, the Spanish rulers attempted to
rule over the Spanish Netherlands and Italy, and involved themselves
in all the dynastic schemes of the Austrian Habsburgs. The
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interests of the Spanish population were never considered, and the
vast Spanish colonies in America were badly managed. Throughout the sixteenth,
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the national well being of Spain
was subordinated to dynastic considerations. The Peace of the Pyrenees
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found Spain in a state of decadence, unable to defend
the Spanish Netherlands from attack. With her hold on Italy
growing weaker each year, and the vision of an Atlantic
Empire rapidly passing away, Mazarin rightly concentrated his principal attacks
upon the Spanish Netherlands. From that quarter, Paris was most
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easily threatened, and the loss of the Low Countries to
Spain would be not only serious to her reputation, but
would prove an immense gain to France. As a means
to that end, the intervention of France in Italy and
the constant attempts of the French fleet to dominate the
western basin of the Mediterranean have a special interest in
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the Milanese, Tuscany and Naples. Mazarin simply continued the policy
of Richelia and devoted all his efforts to secure, if
not the expulsion from at any rate, the weakening of
the hold of the Spaniards upon Italy. But the same
influences which checked Richelia's attempts to carry out his schemes
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were at work during Mazarin's ministry. Until the end of
the Spanish Succession War, Italy remained dominated by Spain. By
the formation of a new Italian League, which should include
the Pope Venice, Florence, Parma, and Maudina. Mazarin hoped in
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sixteen forty three to oust the Spaniards from Milan, but
as long as the Spaniards held the Tuscan ports, the
Grand Duke of Tuscany was unwilling to take any action,
and on the death of Urban the Eighth, his successor,
Innocent the tenth, quarreled with the French cardinal. Nevertheless, though
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unable to form a league, Mazarin never ceased to stir
up opposition to Spain in Milan, in Tuscany, in Naples
and in Sicily. His agents were to be found in
many parts of Italy in citing the Italians to throw
off the Spanish and to replace it by national governments.
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Nothing perhaps illustrates better Mazarin's tenacity of purpose and patience
than the way in which he allowed no obstacles to
check more than temporarily the execution of the anti Spanish
policy in Italy, which he carried on consistently until sixteen
forty eight. On July twenty ninth, sixteen forty four, Urban
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the eighth died, and the Spanish party among the cardinals
succeeded in carrying their candidate, the Cardinal Ponfilio, who was
elected in September as Innocent the Tenth, Mazarin was furious.
The French envoy, Saint Charmin was replaced by Gremonville, who
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it was hoped, would successfully counteract Spanish influence at Rome.
The task was a difficult one. Innocent the Tenth repelled
the French advances and declared himself in sympathy with the
Spanish cause. His actions confirmed his words, and Gremonville was recalled.
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Though Mazarin had failed at Rome, he pursued with energy
schemes for the overthrow of the Spanish power in Italy,
and at once resolved to conquer the Tuscan presidity or ports,
and then to proceed to the conquest of Naples itself.
The Tuscan ports included Orbitello, Porto Ercole, Porto, San Stefano, Telamone,
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Monte Argentaro, Monte Filippo, and Porto Longone in Elba. Before
attacking any of these places, Mazarin fixed upon Prince Thomas
of Savoy as the French candidate for the Neapolitan throne.
The Prince came to Paris, and it was agreed then,
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in the event of his succession to Naples, he should
hand over to France Gaieta and another port on the
Adriatic mistress of the Presidie of Tuscany. Of Gaieta and
of a port on the Adriatic, and closely allied with
the new King of Naples, France would have ruined the
Spanish influence in Italy. These well prepared plans were destined
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to be unsuccessful. The French fleet sailed from Toulon on
April twenty sixth, sixteen forty six, and Orbitello, with the
help of Prince Thomas, was besieged. On June fourteenth, a
Spanish fleet attempted to raise the siege and a naval
battle took place. The Spaniards were defeated, but the Duc
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de Breze, the French admiral, was killed. This disaster, coupled
with the incapacity of Prince Thomas and the unhealthiness of
the coast, proved fatal to the success of the French enterprise.
The siege of Orbitello was raised in July. Prince Thomas
abandoned his artillery and returned to Piedmont, and the French
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fleet retired, though the French occupied Piombino and Porto Longone.
This check to Mazarin's schemes was, as has been pointed
out in the last chapter, at once followed by attacks
on his policy. His gladly seized the opportunity of reviling
the minister, and or Leon is reported to have said, sarcastically,
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vois la de seizon treprise. At the same time, Henri
Conde claimed the post of admiral for his son on Gien,
who had married the sister of the duc de Brezaie.
Mazarin was however, equal to the task of resisting the
attacks on himself and the claims of the House of Conde.
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By his advice, Anne of Austria reserved to the crown
the of appointing the admiral, while Mazarin, whose check at
Aribitello had been compensated for by the capture of Dunkirk
on October eleventh, sixteen forty six, prepared to carry out
the second portion of his Italian scheme, and while making
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a fresh attack upon the Tuscan ports, to take advantage
of a revolt which had broken out against the Spanish
rule in Naples during the year sixteen forty six, Mazarin
had fully realized the necessity for carrying on the war
vigorously against Spain. The Dutch, fearful since the fate of
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Dunkirk of a complete French conquest of the Spanish Netherlands,
had shown a tendency to ally with Spain. Mazarin consequently
made great efforts to draw closer the bonds which united
France and Sweden. The latter country, rul ruled by the
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eccentric Queen Christina, was still animated by hatred of the Habsburgs,
and the French Cardinal had little difficulty in strengthening the
alliance between the courts of Paris and Stockholm. Sure of
the Swedish alliance, he decided to avenge the check received
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by the French forces at Orbitello, and if possible, forced
Spain to make peace by again attacking the Spaniards in Italy.
The capture of Piombino and Porto Longone had been effected
in the autumn of sixteen forty six, and while early
in sixteen forty seven on Guion Now on the death
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of his father in December sixteen forty six, the Prince
of Conde proceeded to Lleria. Mazarin found in the Neapolitan
revolt an opportunity for further harassing spain peoples, which the
Spanish descendants of Charles the fifth held was regarded by
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them as a valuable treasury. A Neapolitan parliament indeed existed,
composed of the nobles and people, but in spite of
repeated promises, the Spanish viceroys rarely, if ever summoned it.
In sixteen forty seven, the viceroy, the Duke of Arcos,
having already taxed most of the necessaries of life, laid
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a fresh tax upon fruit. A revolt was the immediate result.
This revolt was, in its early stages no movement for
liberty and independence. It was simply directed against the tax
on fruit. Under a fisherman called Manzandiello, the Neapolitans forced
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the Duke of Arcos to fly to the castle of
Saint Elmo, while in Palermo an attack was simultaneously made
upon the Viceroy of Sicily, having quieted the people with
fair promises and having encompassed the death of Manzaniello, on
July sixteenth, sixteen forty seven, the Duke of Arcos reimposed
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the former taxes, and a fresh revolt burst out. This time,
the rising was directed against the Spanish rule and was
an attempt on the part of the people to secure independence.
Like the Dutch in the preceding century, the insurgents looked
abroad for assistance in their struggle against the power of Spain,
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and by the advice of Juan Gennaro on Aesi, they
appealed to the Duke of Guise, who was then in Rome.
Mazarin was in sixteen forty seven not unwilling to seize
this opportunity of hampering the Spanish court. No enterprise, the
cardinal wrote, on hearing of Manzaniello's rising, could be more
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useful to France. He was well aware what the loss
of Naples and Sicil would mean to Spain. The loss
of two kingdoms, he said, would be the mortal blow
to that monarchy. But Mazarin's habitual prudence inclined him to
act with caution. French expeditions to Italy since the days
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of Charles the Eighth had been conspicuously unsuccessful, and the
Neapolitans were proverbially fickle. It was quite likely that the
appearance of a French fleet off Naples might lead to
a reaction in favor of Spain. At last, after much hesitation,
Mazarin proposed to place Conde at the head of a
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French army which should be sent to Naples. Conde, however, refused.
Mazarin had hoped that Conde would be tempted to take
part in a Neapolitan expedition in the hope of becoming
King of Naples. The motives which prompted Conde's refusal are unknown.
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His failure at Lerida may have checked his love for
distant expeditions. He may have suspected that Mazarin wished to
induce him to accept what was practically banishment. After Mazzaniello's
death and Conde's refusal to head an expedition to Naples, Mazarin,
with justifiable caution, allowed some months to elapse before he
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took any decided action. In the meantime, he collected troops
at Piombino and Porto Longone, and he organized under Francis d'Este,
Duke of Modona, with whom an alliance was signed on
September first, sixteen forty seven, an attack on the Milanese.
The conquest of the Duchy of Milan. Would he expected
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rally round France the princes of Mantua, Parma and Tuscany.
As soon as the Neopolitans had definitely broken with Spain
and had demanded aid from France, it would be time
enough to send them reinforcements. In October, the invasion of
the Milanese took place, but failed to accomplish anything decisive.
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Francis Deste was unfitted to lead an expedition, being irresolute
and timid. The Spaniards fortified Cremona, and the Duke of
Modina was unable to advance further. As a set off
to this Czech in northern Italy, Mazarin could now hope
to win some striking success in Naples. There, the perfidy
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of Donjon of Austria, an illegitimate son of Philip four
and commander of the Spanish fleet, had roused the people
to fresh rebellious acts. Having promised to carry out the
conditions granted by the viceroy after Manzaniello's death, he proceeded
to treat Naples as a conquered town. Reprisals followed, and
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Gennaro Anese was placed at the head of a Republican government,
which was proclaimed on October twenty fourth, sixteen forty seven.
A definite breach had now been made with Spain, and
the Neapolitans appealed to France for aid. Mazarin's anticipations were fulfilled,
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and ignoring his previous resolve to make Prince Thomas king,
he decided to intervene in Naples with a fleet and
an armed force. From this intervention, he hoped to be
able to place a capable French nominee on the throne
of Naples and to occupy permanently certain strong places on
the coast as harbors for the fleet, and as some
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returned to France for the expenses of the expedition. Already
in September, the feather headed and incapable Duke of Giese
had offered his services to the Neapolitans, and in spite
of the disapproval of the French government, he sailed to Naples,
and on November fifteenth was received with enthusiasm. Born in
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sixteen fourteen, Giese was brave, generous, but reckless and extravagant.
Descended on the female side from the house of Anjou,
Giese was anxious to advocate the claims of that house
to Naples. Mazarin had real little confidence in the uncertain
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and rash Duke of Ghese, who had by his action
forced the hand of the French government. Reluctantly, Mazarin consented
to support the Duke's candidature, though he had never any
confidence in his enterprise. Nevertheless, Mazarin was resolved to wrest
Naples from the King of Spain, and in the absence
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of a better leader, it was difficult to refuse the
cooperation of a French prince. Events, however, fully justified Mazarin's forebodings.
The character of the Duke of Ghese, he wrote, gives
me pain, fearing that his voyage will hurt and embarrass
us from his small experience, when the most discreet politician
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would be none too skillful, and on November fifteenth, the
Duke of Giese was indeed building on vary insecure foundations.
To obtain any lasting success in Naples, it was necessary
to seize the forts which commanded the town in order
to bring about united action on the part of the
nobles and peoples of Naples, and to induce the Neapolitans
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to accept a king. A republic, said Mazarin, is impractical
and will only produce divisions of which Spain will take advantage.
On December nineteenth a French fleet arrived, and Mazarin seems
to have resolved at all hazards to expel the Spaniards
from Naples. But the arrival of the fleet only intensified
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the difficulties of the situation. Divisions had already appeared in Naples,
and the opposition of the nobles to the populace, to
whom Giese was a hero, had increased in intensity. It
was when affairs were in this condition that the French fleet,
under the Duke of Richelia arrived at Naples, and its
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appearance brought matters to a crisis. No good object could
be effected as long as Ghese was in Naples. Mazarin
declared that the Duke's supporters wished to establish a republic
on the Dutch model, with Ghize as stadtholder. So convinced
was the Cardinal that the presence of Ghize in Naples
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rendered the execution of his policy impossible that orders were
given for the forcible abduction of the Duke. Richelia, too
was an incapable naval commander and missed an excellent opportunity
of destroying the Spanish fleet. Meanwhile, the position in Naples
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remained unsatisfactory, and divisions and jealousies took the place of
any settled policy, as Ghese refused to be enticed on
any of the ships under Richelia's command and continued to
pursue his own rash course. The French fleet returned to
France having effected nothing. Deserted by Mazarin, Ghese attempted on
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February twelfth, sixteen forty eight, but failed to expel by
force the Spaniards from Naples. This failure was a serious
blow to his popularity. He neglected Gennaro Aneesi and rapidly
made himself detested by his cruelties. The King of Spain
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at once took advantage of the unpopularity of Giese. A
new viceroy, the Count Douniata, was appointed, who entered into
negotiations with Janato Aneesi, and a plot was arranged changed
for the overthrow of Geese. Convinced that the French Duke
intended to rule without his aid, Gennaro suddenly on April
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sixth sixteen forty eight betrayed the city to the Spaniards,
and Donjon of Austria took possession of the kingdom. Both
Naples and Sicily were treated with great severity by the Spaniards.
Gennaro was executed and Ghize was imprisoned for many years
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in Spain. There never had been any adequate reason for
expecting that French intervention would lead to any solid result,
and Mazarin, who well knew the Italian character, was wise
and hesitating before taking in sixteen forty eight any further
important action. Had Ghize succeeded in establishing himself, there is
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little doubt that the Cardinal would have supported him, and
an expedition was actually being prepared for the spring of
sixteen forty eight. As it was, France had enough on
her hands near her home without seriously weakening herself by
distant expeditions on behalf of a fickle and untrustworthy ally.
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The tax on fruit was not reimposed, and the Kingdom
of the Two Sicilies returned to its habitual slumbers. Nor
was Mazarin more successful in his relations with the English Royalists.
The English Civil War broke out in sixteen forty two,
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and continued till sixteen forty eight, and during its continuance,
English influence on the continent was practically suspended. Though French
policy was in no way interfered with by England, the
course of the struggle between royalists and parliamentarians was watched
with interest in France. Not only was Henrietta Maria of
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French princes, but the development of republican opinions in England,
as in Holland and Naples, was always viewed with apprehension
by Mazarin. Occupied at home with the increasing strength of
the opposition, and abroad by the exigencies of a great war,
Mazarin was unable seriously to consider the question of sending
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assistance to the cause of Charles the First. It was,
in his opinion, an advantage to France that the English
nation should be fully occupied at home. In sixteen forty four,
Queen Henrietta Maria arrived in Paris. The cause of Charles
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the First was not flourishing in England, and Henrietta hoped
to procure French assistance. Mazarin, however, showed no eagerness to
involve himself in English affairs. Goring, the English ambassador, had
associated himself with the Duchesse of Chevreuse, and Mazarin naturally
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feared the intrigues of Henrietta's following. Besides, he had his
hands full. France was amply occupied with the struggle with
Spain and Austria, and her resources were taxed to the uttermost.
In the summer of sixteen forty four, Turin and Conde
had defeated the imperialists in the Battle of Freiburg, and
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the Rhine Valley from bal to Baccarac was in French hands.
The war, however, showed no signs of coming to an end,
and all Mazarin's efforts were devoted to crushing his foes.
It is doubtful if under any circumstances he would have
given Henrietta any effectual assistance. He had no wish to
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see England strong enough to interfere on the continent, and
he seems to have never wavered from his desire to
keep England weak. He was there ue willing in order
to perpetuate the divisions in England, to intrigue with the
Irish and Scots, and for a time Paris became the
center of the intrigues of English and Irish Roman Catholics.
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Mazaron too was not unwilling that the energy of such
adventurers as the landless Duke of Lorraine should be directed
to England, and, encouraged by the Cardinal's suggestion, Henrietta secured
from the Duke of Lorraine or promised to bring ten
thousand men into England. It only remained to find transport,
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and the Prince of Orange was asked for the loan
of some ships. These plans, however, came to nothing, and
in June of sixteen forty five, the Royalists were decisively
beaten at Nasby further defeats at Langport and Bristol rendered
Charles's cause hopeless, and an agreement between King and Parliament
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seemed a not un likely event to Mazarin. Peaced between
the two contending parties would in all probability be followed
by the restoration of a national unity dangerous to France.
The establishment too, of a military republic was equally to
be deprecated and feared. The Minister therefore supported the idea
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of an alliance between King Charles and the Scots, hoping
to stir up bitter dissension between them and the Parliament
by such an alliance, England would remain weak and divided,
and unable to oppose the schemes of France on the continent.
To further this policy, Montrey, an able diplomatist, was sent
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to England and at once endeavored to bring about a
close alliance between King Charles and the Scots. All through
the year sixteen forty six, it seemed that success would
crown Mazarin's policy. The Parliament could do nothing to prevent
the French capture of Dunkirk, while Charles in May placed
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himself in the hands of the Scots till January sixteen
forty seven, when he was handed over by them to
the English Commissioners. A prolongation of the civil war and
a consequent weakening of England's position with reference to continental
politics was regarded as almost certain. This subtle policy of
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the Cardinal was by no means agreeable to the impatient
spirit of Henrietta Maria, who never ceased from her efforts
to induce the French court to take active measures on
behalf of her husband. Intrigues in Ireland had raised the
hopes of the Roman Catholics that the penal laws would
be abolished, and Marie the French Controller General of Finance
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supported the English Queen's projects, and the French clergy offered
to subscribe one million, five hundred third tho francs toward
the cost of an expedition to be led by the
Duke of Bouillon. Though opposed to the establishment of Roman Catholicism,
the Scots were by no means opposed to a French alliance.
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In June sixteen forty six, the English Parliament heard through
their agent in Paris that the agreement between the King
and the Scots was the result of Montrou's mediation, that
the Queen had received a large sum from the French clergy,
and that an Irish army would aid the Scots in
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bringing about the triumph of the Royalist cause. There is
no doubt that the Scottish Presbyterians hated the English independence,
and some of the Scottish leaders were prepared for the
outbreak of a fresh civil war, but the majority of
the Scots were mainly anxious for the establishment of Presbyterianism
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in England and shrank from acting in close alliance with
the French and Irish. Montroy's mission had in reality failed,
and the Presbyterians and independence were as yet not prepared
to settle their differences by recourse to arms. Events on
the continent rendered it more than ever necessary to intensify
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the rift between the Scottish and English Presbyterians on the
one hand, and the Independence on the other. One of
Mazarin's pet projects was to compass the annexation of the
Spanish Netherlands. Until that project had been carried out, it
was advisable that England's difficulties at home should be increased. Therefore,
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in July sixteen forty six, a fresh envoy in the
person of Bellievre was sent to England to foment dissensions
between the Presbyterians and the Independence. Earlier in the month,
Montroy had returned from France and had assured Charles of
the good intentions of the Queen Regent and of Mazarin.
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Bellievre was sent ostensibly in order to interpose on behalf
of Charles for Henrietta. Maria assured the French court that
the Scots were about to deliver him to the Parliament.
Though Mazarin pretended to sympathize with the English Queen, he
never seems to have regarded the Stuarts as friendly to
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France to judge. However, from his words in November of
sixteen forty six, he was ready to aid Charles to
the best of his ability. If the King of Great Britain,
he said, saw with what ardor I continually think of
his interests, he would feel great confidence. For I so
sympathize with his miserable lot, that I would willingly shed
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my own blood to assist him in counseling Charles to
unite closely with the Presbyterians, and so to overthrow the
independence and regain his throne. Mazarin was apparently giving sound
advice in ordering Bellievre not to interfere in the quarrels
of parties in England. He was pursuing a statesmanlike course.
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But neither he, nor Henrietta Maria, nor Bellievre ever understood
the depth of the religious convictions of either the king
or his opponents. Charles, to their astonishment, would not waive
his objections to Presbyterianism, and consequently the Scots in January
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of sixteen forty seven handed him over to the English Commissioners.
The Parliament had triumphed, and during sixteen forty seven and
sixteen forty eight Mazarin was fully occupied in bringing the
war with the Emperor to a close. He had practically
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done nothing to aid the Stewards. But the rise of
Cromwell to power brought new dangers, which were averted by
statesmenlike measures. As it was. The imprisonment of Charles by
the Parliament was followed by a period of disorder in England,
during which Mazarin brought about the Peace of Westphalia. In
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spite of this blow to her hopes, Henrietta Maria continued
to weave her schemes. It was obvious to her eager
mind that so long as the Thirty Years War continued,
help from France was not to be looked for. Consequently,
she bent all her energies in urging Anne of Austria
to conclude peace with Austria. But Mazarin held views which
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ran counter to those of the English Queen, and his
influence over the Queen Mother was incontestable. Still bent on
the conquest of the Spanish Netherlands, he had, by persuading
the Elector of Bavaria to ratify the Treaty of Um
made a distinct step forwards. The success of France in
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the war against the Habsburgs was not to be endangered
by intervention in English affairs. So long as Charles and
the Parliament remained mutually hostile, France could persevere in her
foreign policy with good hopes of success. In sixteen eighty eight,
Louis the fourteenth, in similar circumstances, suspected equal advantages from
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the outbreak of civil war in England, but his hopes
proved to be baseless, whereas Mazarin's policy proved successful. Not
that the French minister was adverse to the restoration of Charles.
On the contrary, Bellievre worked steadily to affect that object,
but the French envoy was unable to understand the firm
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resolution of the king not to desert the Anglican Church.
If Charles would only agreed to the proposals of Cromwell
in the leading independence, Bellievre wrote to Mazarin, he might
have the English army on his side. But the English
king ruined his chances of a restoration, partly by his
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adherents to principle, partly by his failure to convince his
opponents of his sincerity. In sixteen forty eight, when his
position had become one of extreme peril both to himself
and his supporters. Mazarin was unable even to consider the
possibility of weakening the power of the Independent army by
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sending quite a small reinforcement to the aid of the Scots,
who had entered upon the Second Civil War. On January
sixteen forty eight, the Dutch had made peace with Spain,
and Mazarin's hopes of acquiring the Spanish Netherlands were frustrated. Moreover, when,
on October twenty fourth, the Peace of West Failure it
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was signed, Mazarin found himself involved in a struggle with
the fraud, a struggle which taxed all his energies and
deprived him of the power, even if he had the
will to aid in the recovery of Charles's crown. No
adverse circumstances, however, daunted the brave English Queen. Still full
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of hope, she expected to procure money from Mazarin and
even from Venice, and by these means to make Ireland
a strong royalist center. Before many months were over, her
hopes and those of Mazarin were destined to be crushed.
Charles died on the scaffold, and Mazarin soon realized that
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France had to reckon with a powerful military republic which
was bent on commercial and colonial expansion. End of Chapter
two
Chapter two of Mazarin by Arthur Hassel. This LibriVox recording
is in the public domain recording by Pamel and Agami,
Chapter two Mazareon's connection with the rebellions in Naples and England.
Sixteen forty three to sixteen forty nine. When Mazaron succeeded Richelie,
(00:26):
Italy was still a geographic expression. The Spaniards held the
Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and the Tuscan ports, and
were supreme in the Milanese. The War of Castro between
the Papacy and a League of Princes, a war the
outbreak of which had fatally interfered with Richelia's Italian policy,
(00:48):
continued and was not concluded until sixteen forty four. Divided
and lacking all national feeling, Italy was destined to remain
a prey to intrigue and open to attack till the
pertinacity of the House of Savoy was rewarded and Italy,
in the latter half of the nineteenth century became a nation.
(01:11):
Mazarin had not been long in office before he determined,
in continuance of Richelia's policy, to hamper the Spaniards by
taking advantage of the chronic discontent in Italy and to
attack either the Milanese or the Tuscan ports. At the
same time. He took every opportunity during the struggle with
(01:34):
Spain to stir up the Neopolitans to revolt. Though the
gains to France from Mazarin's Italian policy were small, nonetheless,
there is something to be said for a policy which
hampered Spain for many years and occupied large bodies of
her troops. Spain during the Thirty Years War had good
(01:58):
reason to regret the policy adopted by Charles the Fifth
and his successors at Madrid. Instead of attending to the
true interests of their country, the Spanish rulers attempted to
rule over the Spanish Netherlands and Italy, and involved themselves
in all the dynastic schemes of the Austrian Habsburgs. The
(02:22):
interests of the Spanish population were never considered, and the
vast Spanish colonies in America were badly managed. Throughout the sixteenth,
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the national well being of Spain
was subordinated to dynastic considerations. The Peace of the Pyrenees
(02:45):
found Spain in a state of decadence, unable to defend
the Spanish Netherlands from attack. With her hold on Italy
growing weaker each year, and the vision of an Atlantic
Empire rapidly passing away, Mazarin rightly concentrated his principal attacks
upon the Spanish Netherlands. From that quarter, Paris was most
(03:10):
easily threatened, and the loss of the Low Countries to
Spain would be not only serious to her reputation, but
would prove an immense gain to France. As a means
to that end, the intervention of France in Italy and
the constant attempts of the French fleet to dominate the
western basin of the Mediterranean have a special interest in
(03:34):
the Milanese, Tuscany and Naples. Mazarin simply continued the policy
of Richelia and devoted all his efforts to secure, if
not the expulsion from at any rate, the weakening of
the hold of the Spaniards upon Italy. But the same
influences which checked Richelia's attempts to carry out his schemes
(03:57):
were at work during Mazarin's ministry. Until the end of
the Spanish Succession War, Italy remained dominated by Spain. By
the formation of a new Italian League, which should include
the Pope Venice, Florence, Parma, and Maudina. Mazarin hoped in
(04:18):
sixteen forty three to oust the Spaniards from Milan, but
as long as the Spaniards held the Tuscan ports, the
Grand Duke of Tuscany was unwilling to take any action,
and on the death of Urban the Eighth, his successor,
Innocent the tenth, quarreled with the French cardinal. Nevertheless, though
(04:41):
unable to form a league, Mazarin never ceased to stir
up opposition to Spain in Milan, in Tuscany, in Naples
and in Sicily. His agents were to be found in
many parts of Italy in citing the Italians to throw
off the Spanish and to replace it by national governments.
(05:04):
Nothing perhaps illustrates better Mazarin's tenacity of purpose and patience
than the way in which he allowed no obstacles to
check more than temporarily the execution of the anti Spanish
policy in Italy, which he carried on consistently until sixteen
forty eight. On July twenty ninth, sixteen forty four, Urban
(05:29):
the eighth died, and the Spanish party among the cardinals
succeeded in carrying their candidate, the Cardinal Ponfilio, who was
elected in September as Innocent the Tenth, Mazarin was furious.
The French envoy, Saint Charmin was replaced by Gremonville, who
(05:50):
it was hoped, would successfully counteract Spanish influence at Rome.
The task was a difficult one. Innocent the Tenth repelled
the French advances and declared himself in sympathy with the
Spanish cause. His actions confirmed his words, and Gremonville was recalled.
(06:11):
Though Mazarin had failed at Rome, he pursued with energy
schemes for the overthrow of the Spanish power in Italy,
and at once resolved to conquer the Tuscan presidity or ports,
and then to proceed to the conquest of Naples itself.
The Tuscan ports included Orbitello, Porto Ercole, Porto, San Stefano, Telamone,
(06:37):
Monte Argentaro, Monte Filippo, and Porto Longone in Elba. Before
attacking any of these places, Mazarin fixed upon Prince Thomas
of Savoy as the French candidate for the Neapolitan throne.
The Prince came to Paris, and it was agreed then,
(06:58):
in the event of his succession to Naples, he should
hand over to France Gaieta and another port on the
Adriatic mistress of the Presidie of Tuscany. Of Gaieta and
of a port on the Adriatic, and closely allied with
the new King of Naples, France would have ruined the
Spanish influence in Italy. These well prepared plans were destined
(07:23):
to be unsuccessful. The French fleet sailed from Toulon on
April twenty sixth, sixteen forty six, and Orbitello, with the
help of Prince Thomas, was besieged. On June fourteenth, a
Spanish fleet attempted to raise the siege and a naval
battle took place. The Spaniards were defeated, but the Duc
(07:45):
de Breze, the French admiral, was killed. This disaster, coupled
with the incapacity of Prince Thomas and the unhealthiness of
the coast, proved fatal to the success of the French enterprise.
The siege of Orbitello was raised in July. Prince Thomas
abandoned his artillery and returned to Piedmont, and the French
(08:09):
fleet retired, though the French occupied Piombino and Porto Longone.
This check to Mazarin's schemes was, as has been pointed
out in the last chapter, at once followed by attacks
on his policy. His gladly seized the opportunity of reviling
the minister, and or Leon is reported to have said, sarcastically,
(08:32):
vois la de seizon treprise. At the same time, Henri
Conde claimed the post of admiral for his son on Gien,
who had married the sister of the duc de Brezaie.
Mazarin was however, equal to the task of resisting the
attacks on himself and the claims of the House of Conde.
(08:55):
By his advice, Anne of Austria reserved to the crown
the of appointing the admiral, while Mazarin, whose check at
Aribitello had been compensated for by the capture of Dunkirk
on October eleventh, sixteen forty six, prepared to carry out
the second portion of his Italian scheme, and while making
(09:17):
a fresh attack upon the Tuscan ports, to take advantage
of a revolt which had broken out against the Spanish
rule in Naples during the year sixteen forty six, Mazarin
had fully realized the necessity for carrying on the war
vigorously against Spain. The Dutch, fearful since the fate of
(09:40):
Dunkirk of a complete French conquest of the Spanish Netherlands,
had shown a tendency to ally with Spain. Mazarin consequently
made great efforts to draw closer the bonds which united
France and Sweden. The latter country, rul ruled by the
(10:00):
eccentric Queen Christina, was still animated by hatred of the Habsburgs,
and the French Cardinal had little difficulty in strengthening the
alliance between the courts of Paris and Stockholm. Sure of
the Swedish alliance, he decided to avenge the check received
(10:21):
by the French forces at Orbitello, and if possible, forced
Spain to make peace by again attacking the Spaniards in Italy.
The capture of Piombino and Porto Longone had been effected
in the autumn of sixteen forty six, and while early
in sixteen forty seven on Guion Now on the death
(10:43):
of his father in December sixteen forty six, the Prince
of Conde proceeded to Lleria. Mazarin found in the Neapolitan
revolt an opportunity for further harassing spain peoples, which the
Spanish descendants of Charles the fifth held was regarded by
(11:05):
them as a valuable treasury. A Neapolitan parliament indeed existed,
composed of the nobles and people, but in spite of
repeated promises, the Spanish viceroys rarely, if ever summoned it.
In sixteen forty seven, the viceroy, the Duke of Arcos,
having already taxed most of the necessaries of life, laid
(11:28):
a fresh tax upon fruit. A revolt was the immediate result.
This revolt was, in its early stages no movement for
liberty and independence. It was simply directed against the tax
on fruit. Under a fisherman called Manzandiello, the Neapolitans forced
(11:49):
the Duke of Arcos to fly to the castle of
Saint Elmo, while in Palermo an attack was simultaneously made
upon the Viceroy of Sicily, having quieted the people with
fair promises and having encompassed the death of Manzaniello, on
July sixteenth, sixteen forty seven, the Duke of Arcos reimposed
(12:11):
the former taxes, and a fresh revolt burst out. This time,
the rising was directed against the Spanish rule and was
an attempt on the part of the people to secure independence.
Like the Dutch in the preceding century, the insurgents looked
abroad for assistance in their struggle against the power of Spain,
(12:33):
and by the advice of Juan Gennaro on Aesi, they
appealed to the Duke of Guise, who was then in Rome.
Mazarin was in sixteen forty seven not unwilling to seize
this opportunity of hampering the Spanish court. No enterprise, the
cardinal wrote, on hearing of Manzaniello's rising, could be more
(12:54):
useful to France. He was well aware what the loss
of Naples and Sicil would mean to Spain. The loss
of two kingdoms, he said, would be the mortal blow
to that monarchy. But Mazarin's habitual prudence inclined him to
act with caution. French expeditions to Italy since the days
(13:17):
of Charles the Eighth had been conspicuously unsuccessful, and the
Neapolitans were proverbially fickle. It was quite likely that the
appearance of a French fleet off Naples might lead to
a reaction in favor of Spain. At last, after much hesitation,
Mazarin proposed to place Conde at the head of a
(13:40):
French army which should be sent to Naples. Conde, however, refused.
Mazarin had hoped that Conde would be tempted to take
part in a Neapolitan expedition in the hope of becoming
King of Naples. The motives which prompted Conde's refusal are unknown.
(14:00):
His failure at Lerida may have checked his love for
distant expeditions. He may have suspected that Mazarin wished to
induce him to accept what was practically banishment. After Mazzaniello's
death and Conde's refusal to head an expedition to Naples, Mazarin,
with justifiable caution, allowed some months to elapse before he
(14:23):
took any decided action. In the meantime, he collected troops
at Piombino and Porto Longone, and he organized under Francis d'Este,
Duke of Modona, with whom an alliance was signed on
September first, sixteen forty seven, an attack on the Milanese.
The conquest of the Duchy of Milan. Would he expected
(14:46):
rally round France the princes of Mantua, Parma and Tuscany.
As soon as the Neopolitans had definitely broken with Spain
and had demanded aid from France, it would be time
enough to send them reinforcements. In October, the invasion of
the Milanese took place, but failed to accomplish anything decisive.
(15:09):
Francis Deste was unfitted to lead an expedition, being irresolute
and timid. The Spaniards fortified Cremona, and the Duke of
Modina was unable to advance further. As a set off
to this Czech in northern Italy, Mazarin could now hope
to win some striking success in Naples. There, the perfidy
(15:31):
of Donjon of Austria, an illegitimate son of Philip four
and commander of the Spanish fleet, had roused the people
to fresh rebellious acts. Having promised to carry out the
conditions granted by the viceroy after Manzaniello's death, he proceeded
to treat Naples as a conquered town. Reprisals followed, and
(15:56):
Gennaro Anese was placed at the head of a Republican government,
which was proclaimed on October twenty fourth, sixteen forty seven.
A definite breach had now been made with Spain, and
the Neapolitans appealed to France for aid. Mazarin's anticipations were fulfilled,
(16:16):
and ignoring his previous resolve to make Prince Thomas king,
he decided to intervene in Naples with a fleet and
an armed force. From this intervention, he hoped to be
able to place a capable French nominee on the throne
of Naples and to occupy permanently certain strong places on
the coast as harbors for the fleet, and as some
(16:39):
returned to France for the expenses of the expedition. Already
in September, the feather headed and incapable Duke of Giese
had offered his services to the Neapolitans, and in spite
of the disapproval of the French government, he sailed to Naples,
and on November fifteenth was received with enthusiasm. Born in
(17:03):
sixteen fourteen, Giese was brave, generous, but reckless and extravagant.
Descended on the female side from the house of Anjou,
Giese was anxious to advocate the claims of that house
to Naples. Mazarin had real little confidence in the uncertain
(17:23):
and rash Duke of Ghese, who had by his action
forced the hand of the French government. Reluctantly, Mazarin consented
to support the Duke's candidature, though he had never any
confidence in his enterprise. Nevertheless, Mazarin was resolved to wrest
Naples from the King of Spain, and in the absence
(17:46):
of a better leader, it was difficult to refuse the
cooperation of a French prince. Events, however, fully justified Mazarin's forebodings.
The character of the Duke of Ghese, he wrote, gives
me pain, fearing that his voyage will hurt and embarrass
us from his small experience, when the most discreet politician
(18:08):
would be none too skillful, and on November fifteenth, the
Duke of Giese was indeed building on vary insecure foundations.
To obtain any lasting success in Naples, it was necessary
to seize the forts which commanded the town in order
to bring about united action on the part of the
nobles and peoples of Naples, and to induce the Neapolitans
(18:32):
to accept a king. A republic, said Mazarin, is impractical
and will only produce divisions of which Spain will take advantage.
On December nineteenth a French fleet arrived, and Mazarin seems
to have resolved at all hazards to expel the Spaniards
from Naples. But the arrival of the fleet only intensified
(18:55):
the difficulties of the situation. Divisions had already appeared in Naples,
and the opposition of the nobles to the populace, to
whom Giese was a hero, had increased in intensity. It
was when affairs were in this condition that the French fleet,
under the Duke of Richelia arrived at Naples, and its
(19:17):
appearance brought matters to a crisis. No good object could
be effected as long as Ghese was in Naples. Mazarin
declared that the Duke's supporters wished to establish a republic
on the Dutch model, with Ghize as stadtholder. So convinced
was the Cardinal that the presence of Ghize in Naples
(19:41):
rendered the execution of his policy impossible that orders were
given for the forcible abduction of the Duke. Richelia, too
was an incapable naval commander and missed an excellent opportunity
of destroying the Spanish fleet. Meanwhile, the position in Naples
(20:02):
remained unsatisfactory, and divisions and jealousies took the place of
any settled policy, as Ghese refused to be enticed on
any of the ships under Richelia's command and continued to
pursue his own rash course. The French fleet returned to
France having effected nothing. Deserted by Mazarin, Ghese attempted on
(20:26):
February twelfth, sixteen forty eight, but failed to expel by
force the Spaniards from Naples. This failure was a serious
blow to his popularity. He neglected Gennaro Aneesi and rapidly
made himself detested by his cruelties. The King of Spain
(20:47):
at once took advantage of the unpopularity of Giese. A
new viceroy, the Count Douniata, was appointed, who entered into
negotiations with Janato Aneesi, and a plot was arranged changed
for the overthrow of Geese. Convinced that the French Duke
intended to rule without his aid, Gennaro suddenly on April
(21:10):
sixth sixteen forty eight betrayed the city to the Spaniards,
and Donjon of Austria took possession of the kingdom. Both
Naples and Sicily were treated with great severity by the Spaniards.
Gennaro was executed and Ghize was imprisoned for many years
(21:30):
in Spain. There never had been any adequate reason for
expecting that French intervention would lead to any solid result,
and Mazarin, who well knew the Italian character, was wise
and hesitating before taking in sixteen forty eight any further
important action. Had Ghize succeeded in establishing himself, there is
(21:54):
little doubt that the Cardinal would have supported him, and
an expedition was actually being prepared for the spring of
sixteen forty eight. As it was, France had enough on
her hands near her home without seriously weakening herself by
distant expeditions on behalf of a fickle and untrustworthy ally.
(22:14):
The tax on fruit was not reimposed, and the Kingdom
of the Two Sicilies returned to its habitual slumbers. Nor
was Mazarin more successful in his relations with the English Royalists.
The English Civil War broke out in sixteen forty two,
(22:34):
and continued till sixteen forty eight, and during its continuance,
English influence on the continent was practically suspended. Though French
policy was in no way interfered with by England, the
course of the struggle between royalists and parliamentarians was watched
with interest in France. Not only was Henrietta Maria of
(22:59):
French princes, but the development of republican opinions in England,
as in Holland and Naples, was always viewed with apprehension
by Mazarin. Occupied at home with the increasing strength of
the opposition, and abroad by the exigencies of a great war,
Mazarin was unable seriously to consider the question of sending
(23:23):
assistance to the cause of Charles the First. It was,
in his opinion, an advantage to France that the English
nation should be fully occupied at home. In sixteen forty four,
Queen Henrietta Maria arrived in Paris. The cause of Charles
(23:43):
the First was not flourishing in England, and Henrietta hoped
to procure French assistance. Mazarin, however, showed no eagerness to
involve himself in English affairs. Goring, the English ambassador, had
associated himself with the Duchesse of Chevreuse, and Mazarin naturally
(24:05):
feared the intrigues of Henrietta's following. Besides, he had his
hands full. France was amply occupied with the struggle with
Spain and Austria, and her resources were taxed to the uttermost.
In the summer of sixteen forty four, Turin and Conde
had defeated the imperialists in the Battle of Freiburg, and
(24:28):
the Rhine Valley from bal to Baccarac was in French hands.
The war, however, showed no signs of coming to an end,
and all Mazarin's efforts were devoted to crushing his foes.
It is doubtful if under any circumstances he would have
given Henrietta any effectual assistance. He had no wish to
(24:50):
see England strong enough to interfere on the continent, and
he seems to have never wavered from his desire to
keep England weak. He was there ue willing in order
to perpetuate the divisions in England, to intrigue with the
Irish and Scots, and for a time Paris became the
center of the intrigues of English and Irish Roman Catholics.
(25:14):
Mazaron too was not unwilling that the energy of such
adventurers as the landless Duke of Lorraine should be directed
to England, and, encouraged by the Cardinal's suggestion, Henrietta secured
from the Duke of Lorraine or promised to bring ten
thousand men into England. It only remained to find transport,
(25:35):
and the Prince of Orange was asked for the loan
of some ships. These plans, however, came to nothing, and
in June of sixteen forty five, the Royalists were decisively
beaten at Nasby further defeats at Langport and Bristol rendered
Charles's cause hopeless, and an agreement between King and Parliament
(25:59):
seemed a not un likely event to Mazarin. Peaced between
the two contending parties would in all probability be followed
by the restoration of a national unity dangerous to France.
The establishment too, of a military republic was equally to
be deprecated and feared. The Minister therefore supported the idea
(26:22):
of an alliance between King Charles and the Scots, hoping
to stir up bitter dissension between them and the Parliament
by such an alliance, England would remain weak and divided,
and unable to oppose the schemes of France on the continent.
To further this policy, Montrey, an able diplomatist, was sent
(26:45):
to England and at once endeavored to bring about a
close alliance between King Charles and the Scots. All through
the year sixteen forty six, it seemed that success would
crown Mazarin's policy. The Parliament could do nothing to prevent
the French capture of Dunkirk, while Charles in May placed
(27:06):
himself in the hands of the Scots till January sixteen
forty seven, when he was handed over by them to
the English Commissioners. A prolongation of the civil war and
a consequent weakening of England's position with reference to continental
politics was regarded as almost certain. This subtle policy of
(27:30):
the Cardinal was by no means agreeable to the impatient
spirit of Henrietta Maria, who never ceased from her efforts
to induce the French court to take active measures on
behalf of her husband. Intrigues in Ireland had raised the
hopes of the Roman Catholics that the penal laws would
be abolished, and Marie the French Controller General of Finance
(27:53):
supported the English Queen's projects, and the French clergy offered
to subscribe one million, five hundred third tho francs toward
the cost of an expedition to be led by the
Duke of Bouillon. Though opposed to the establishment of Roman Catholicism,
the Scots were by no means opposed to a French alliance.
(28:13):
In June sixteen forty six, the English Parliament heard through
their agent in Paris that the agreement between the King
and the Scots was the result of Montrou's mediation, that
the Queen had received a large sum from the French clergy,
and that an Irish army would aid the Scots in
(28:35):
bringing about the triumph of the Royalist cause. There is
no doubt that the Scottish Presbyterians hated the English independence,
and some of the Scottish leaders were prepared for the
outbreak of a fresh civil war, but the majority of
the Scots were mainly anxious for the establishment of Presbyterianism
(28:58):
in England and shrank from acting in close alliance with
the French and Irish. Montroy's mission had in reality failed,
and the Presbyterians and independence were as yet not prepared
to settle their differences by recourse to arms. Events on
the continent rendered it more than ever necessary to intensify
(29:20):
the rift between the Scottish and English Presbyterians on the
one hand, and the Independence on the other. One of
Mazarin's pet projects was to compass the annexation of the
Spanish Netherlands. Until that project had been carried out, it
was advisable that England's difficulties at home should be increased. Therefore,
(29:42):
in July sixteen forty six, a fresh envoy in the
person of Bellievre was sent to England to foment dissensions
between the Presbyterians and the Independence. Earlier in the month,
Montroy had returned from France and had assured Charles of
the good intentions of the Queen Regent and of Mazarin.
(30:06):
Bellievre was sent ostensibly in order to interpose on behalf
of Charles for Henrietta. Maria assured the French court that
the Scots were about to deliver him to the Parliament.
Though Mazarin pretended to sympathize with the English Queen, he
never seems to have regarded the Stuarts as friendly to
(30:26):
France to judge. However, from his words in November of
sixteen forty six, he was ready to aid Charles to
the best of his ability. If the King of Great Britain,
he said, saw with what ardor I continually think of
his interests, he would feel great confidence. For I so
sympathize with his miserable lot, that I would willingly shed
(30:50):
my own blood to assist him in counseling Charles to
unite closely with the Presbyterians, and so to overthrow the
independence and regain his throne. Mazarin was apparently giving sound
advice in ordering Bellievre not to interfere in the quarrels
of parties in England. He was pursuing a statesmanlike course.
(31:13):
But neither he, nor Henrietta Maria, nor Bellievre ever understood
the depth of the religious convictions of either the king
or his opponents. Charles, to their astonishment, would not waive
his objections to Presbyterianism, and consequently the Scots in January
(31:36):
of sixteen forty seven handed him over to the English Commissioners.
The Parliament had triumphed, and during sixteen forty seven and
sixteen forty eight Mazarin was fully occupied in bringing the
war with the Emperor to a close. He had practically
(31:57):
done nothing to aid the Stewards. But the rise of
Cromwell to power brought new dangers, which were averted by
statesmenlike measures. As it was. The imprisonment of Charles by
the Parliament was followed by a period of disorder in England,
during which Mazarin brought about the Peace of Westphalia. In
(32:20):
spite of this blow to her hopes, Henrietta Maria continued
to weave her schemes. It was obvious to her eager
mind that so long as the Thirty Years War continued,
help from France was not to be looked for. Consequently,
she bent all her energies in urging Anne of Austria
to conclude peace with Austria. But Mazarin held views which
(32:44):
ran counter to those of the English Queen, and his
influence over the Queen Mother was incontestable. Still bent on
the conquest of the Spanish Netherlands, he had, by persuading
the Elector of Bavaria to ratify the Treaty of Um
made a distinct step forwards. The success of France in
(33:06):
the war against the Habsburgs was not to be endangered
by intervention in English affairs. So long as Charles and
the Parliament remained mutually hostile, France could persevere in her
foreign policy with good hopes of success. In sixteen eighty eight,
Louis the fourteenth, in similar circumstances, suspected equal advantages from
(33:30):
the outbreak of civil war in England, but his hopes
proved to be baseless, whereas Mazarin's policy proved successful. Not
that the French minister was adverse to the restoration of Charles.
On the contrary, Bellievre worked steadily to affect that object,
but the French envoy was unable to understand the firm
(33:53):
resolution of the king not to desert the Anglican Church.
If Charles would only agreed to the proposals of Cromwell
in the leading independence, Bellievre wrote to Mazarin, he might
have the English army on his side. But the English
king ruined his chances of a restoration, partly by his
(34:15):
adherents to principle, partly by his failure to convince his
opponents of his sincerity. In sixteen forty eight, when his
position had become one of extreme peril both to himself
and his supporters. Mazarin was unable even to consider the
possibility of weakening the power of the Independent army by
(34:37):
sending quite a small reinforcement to the aid of the Scots,
who had entered upon the Second Civil War. On January
sixteen forty eight, the Dutch had made peace with Spain,
and Mazarin's hopes of acquiring the Spanish Netherlands were frustrated. Moreover, when,
on October twenty fourth, the Peace of West Failure it
(35:00):
was signed, Mazarin found himself involved in a struggle with
the fraud, a struggle which taxed all his energies and
deprived him of the power, even if he had the
will to aid in the recovery of Charles's crown. No
adverse circumstances, however, daunted the brave English Queen. Still full
(35:22):
of hope, she expected to procure money from Mazarin and
even from Venice, and by these means to make Ireland
a strong royalist center. Before many months were over, her
hopes and those of Mazarin were destined to be crushed.
Charles died on the scaffold, and Mazarin soon realized that
(35:45):
France had to reckon with a powerful military republic which
was bent on commercial and colonial expansion. End of Chapter
two
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