04 - Mazarin by Arthur Hassall

Step into the world of Giulio Raimondo, better known as Cardinal Mazarin, whose tenure as Richelieus chosen successor reshaped the landscape of 17th-century France. A master diplomat, Mazarin navigated the complexities of power while maintaining a close, possibly secretive relationship with the Queen-Mother, Anne of Austria. Together, they faced the tumultuous Fronde rebellion, emerging victorious with the strategic brilliance of military commander Turenne by their side. By the time of his death in 1661, Mazarin had not only upheld Richelieus ambitious foreign policy but had also elevated the young Louis XIV to the throne, establishing him as the absolute monarch of one of Europes most formidable nations. As historian Arthur Hassall noted, Mazarins legacy was built on patience, perseverance, and sagacity. (Pamela Nagami)

Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:00):
Chapter four of Mazarin by Arthur Hassel. This LibriVox recording
is in the public domain recording by Pamel and Agami,
Chapter four the Parliamentary Frond sixteen forty eight to sixteen
forty nine. There is no doubt that the continuation of

(00:23):
the war had completely disorganized the financial administration. Various devices,
such as the old toisee, had been employed by the
government to raise funds, but each attempt had been met
by fresh opposition. In sixteen forty seven, recourse was had
to a tax known as the a d du Tariff,

(00:45):
which modified the existing regulations. Upon the entry of provisions
into Paris. Great opposition was raised by the Parliament, which
still more violently opposed in January sixteen forty eight, attacks
upon all possessors of lands. A lie de stise was

(01:07):
necessary to provide for the requirements of the government. The
operation of the unpopular tax, or rasha as it was termed,
was postponed, and the creation of many new maitre de
Riquet provided a certain amount of money. At the Lie
de Justice omer Talon, the intrepid Avoca General delivered an

(01:31):
eloquent oration on the condition of the French peasants for
ten years, Sire, he said, the country has been ruined,
the peasants reduced to sleep upon straw, their furniture sold
to pay taxes, to minister to the luxury of Paris.
Millions of innocent people are obliged to live upon rye

(01:54):
and oat bread, and their only protection is their poverty.
The creation of Numitre de Riquet was stoutly opposed, but
in Vain Brussel distinguished himself by his attacks upon the government. Thus,
while victory was being prepared by Turin, Conde and Chamberg,

(02:16):
a revolution was breaking out in Paris and in many
other parts of the Kingdom. Resistance to the government was
the order of the day. Brittany and Toulouse showed a
special audacity in their attacks on government officials. At his
wits end for money, Emri resolved to demand, as a

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condition of the renewal of the paulette a tax paid
by those officials whose offices were hereditary, a fine of
four years salary, in the hope of conciliating the Parliament
of Paris. The fine was not imposed on that body.
The Parliament, however, placed itself at the head of the opposition,

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and on May thirteenth sixteen forty eight, it and the
sovereign courts, the Chambre des Comte, the cour Dees and
the Grand Conseil signed a bond of union, and the
courts decided to send representatives to a conference in the
Chamber of Saint Louis. Like Louis the sixteenth, in seventeen

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eighty nine, the Queen Mother endeavored to prevent the meeting
of the deputies. Like Louis, she failed in her object,
and the court was forced to yield. The Spaniards had
taken courtrey, and it was well to temporize. Money was
urgently needed, and Mazarin hoped by appealing to the patriotism

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of the Parlement to obtain the requisite supplies. He represented
that the conduct of the Parlement strengthened the cause of
Spain and ruined the credit of France. Unless money was forthcoming,
it would be possible to keep up the French armies
or to maintain order at home. Catalonia would have to

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be abandoned. The alliance with Sweden and Hesse would be
broken off. In a word, all would be lost. The Parliament, however,
was dead to all sense of patriotism and was prepared
to sacrifice the nation to its own petty interests. Or Leon,
who had joined the malcontents, promised that the deputies who

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had been imprisoned or exiled by Mazarin should be restored. Mazarin,
hoping for some striking success on the frontier, determined to temporize,
and on June thirtieth, sixteen forty eight, in open defiance
of the orders of the government, the Chamber of Saint
Luis was constituted as a permanent political body to carry

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out reforms. With its establishment, the First or Parliamentary Fronde
began its stormy career. In appearance, the Parliament of Paris was,
like the English Parliament, bent on securing valuable constitutional rights.
Its members demanded proper control of the taxes, liberty for

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the individual, the abolition of Lettre de cachet, But in
doing so they were encroaching upon the rights of the
States General, which was the only representative assembly of the
French nation. And moreover, it was soon evident that the
Parliament aimed primarily at securing its own privileges. Each step

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in the struggle between the Parliament and the crown brings
out more conclusively the selfishness of the lawyers and their
lack of statesmanship. In the New or Second Frond, the
nobles made no pretense of securing for the nation constitutional rights.
They openly demanded provincial governments, pensions, and gifts of money. Thus,

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the principal cause of the failure of the Fronde movement
was apparent from the first. The parliament had no constitutional basis.
Its opposition to Mazarin, which was in many respects justified,
was tainted by the egoism and selfishness of its members.

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It had in reality no great aims. It had no
hold on the people. As time went on, the movement
was rapidly wrecked by the intervention of the nobles and
court ladies. Durets was under the influence of the Duchesse
of Chevreuse, the Duke of Beaufort was governed by the

(06:46):
Duchesse of Montbazon. Cronde revealed all his plans to the
Duchesse of Chatillon, who conveyed them to Mazarin. Turin was
encouraged in dislowus loyalty by the Duchesse of Longeville. There
was no lack of ability on the side of the opposition.

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Molet and Duretz represented talents of different qualities, and the
latter remained the most brilliant pamphleteer of the period. Rouchefoucot,
who at one time was under the sway of the
duches of Longeville, gives ample evidence in his mock sims
of consummability and of a profound knowledge of human nature.

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While Tourin and Conde, who at the period were united
against the crown, were the two ablest generals of the day.
Among other conspicuous men of the day who opposed Mazarin,
Chavigni and chateau Nuff were perhaps the most dangerous. But
the association of most of these heroes of the Frond

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with the court ladies ruined all chance of success. Love,
affairs and politics became hopelessly intermingled, and the New Frond
has remained a ridiculous episode in French history. Though the
Old Frond was narrow minded and selfish and the New
Frond absurd, the movements were fraught with great danger to

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the monarchy. In sixteen forty eight, Mazarin at first failed
to recognize the gravity of the situation, and he thought
that he had only to combat the intrigues of some
of the nobles In the later phases of the struggle,
he often erred through his belief in diplomacy and his

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tendency to follow moderate councils, but he never faltered in
his determination to preserve the rights of the French monarchy.
He easily outmatched his opponents in intrigue, and eventually, supported
by the bourgeoisie and the mass of the nation, he
triumphed over both the Parliament and the nobles. Throughout the

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early months of sixteen forty eight, the opposition of the
Parliament was intensified by the folly and unpopularity of Ameri,
the Superintendent of the Finances, and by the failure of
Mazarin to master the details of the French administrative system. Moreover,

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he had given some justification for the attacks made upon
him by the favors which he showered upon his own relations,
and by the means employed in order to secure for
his brother the title of Cardinal. The truth is Mazarin
cared little for home affairs and gave no thought to

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matters connected with the commerce and agriculture of France. Unlike
Henry the fourth en Richelieu, he made no attempt to
open up new sources of prosperity for France by founding colonies,
encouraging trade, introducing manuifact or protecting agriculture. His neglect of

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the internal administration was largely answerable for the financial embarrassments
of France, for the misery of the people, and to
a large extent, for the outbreak of the first fraud.
At the same time, it must be remembered that his
predecessor was in some measure responsible for the troubles which

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ensued after his death. Richelieu had made no efforts to
reform the financial administration of France, and both the direct
and indirect taxes were levied unfairly and oppressively. The financiers
who farmed the indirect taxes made enormous fortunes out of
the taxpayers. Fraud and peculation were common. The provinces were

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in a state of wretchedness. The sale of offices, the
system of farming the taxes, and the gabelle or tax
on salt were left untouched. The enormous and harmful concessions
given to the nobles during the minority of Louis the
thirteenth had not been revoked or diminished on his accession

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to office. Mazarin found that the revenues of the next
three years had been spent. Moreover, on Richelia's death, few
men of marked capacity were to be found in France.
Like Frederick the Great in the next century, Richelie was
jealous of any initiative on the part of his colleagues.

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He gradually concentrated in his own hands all the threads
of the administration and controlled the generals in the field.
His system produced useful agents, but neither statesmen nor able commanders.
The concentration of all authority in his own hands checked

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reforms in the government departments, and one writer has stated
that the Frond would never have taken place if Richelia
had thought more of securing efficiency in those departments to
which he could not give sufficient personal attention, and less
on concentrating all authority in his own hands. After Richelia's death,

(12:20):
a policy of firmness, if not severity, was required. The
easy rule of Anne of Austria, with its pardons and concessions,
resulted in an increase of independence on the part of
the nobles and led ultimately to the Frond. The policy
of leniency brought numerous difficulties and dangers, which Mazarin, in

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the end, succeeded in overcoming. That he was able to
do so was probably due largely to his own perseverance,
partly to the policy of Richelia, who had weakened the
nobles and the parliament and deprived them of all substantial power.
Had Richelia lived, the Frond could never have occurred. That

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it did occur was due to Mazarin's inability to rule
with the same iron hand as his more illustrious predecessor.
Rarely has a minister occupied in carrying on a prolonged
war been so involved in internal difficulties as was Mazarin.
He had to superintend the movements of French generals in Flanders, Germany,

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Italy and Spain, and at the same time to keep
in constant communication with his agents at Munster, who carried
on complicated peace negotiations under his instructions during the earlier
years of his ministry. Successes abroad strengthened the government at
home and enabled it to take up a firm attitude

(13:51):
toward its opponents. In sixteen forty three, the victory of
Ucois had aided in the establishment of Anne of Austria's
regency in sixteen forty five, the triumph at nord Lingoln
had enabled Mazarin to suppress the rising opposition of the
Parliament of Paris, and in sixteen forty six the capture

(14:15):
of Mardike, Dunkirk, Piambino and Porto Langone had effaced the
recollection of the failure at Orbitello. But in sixteen forty
eight this situation at home was more critical and political
passions ran high. Mazarin's neglect of the internal administration had

(14:36):
led to the revival of the Cabals, suppressed in sixteen
forty three, while the Parliament of Paris found in the
general misery and misgovernment of the country some justification for
its opposition to the Court, and the Minister Turin's victory
at Sussmachhausen in May sixteen forty eight passed almost unnoticed

(15:01):
in Paris, which was then seething with discontent. Mazarin, however,
hoped that a victory won by the popular Conde in
Flanders would at any rate arrest attention and strike the
imagination of the Parisians and enable the Court to deal
a telling blow at its opponents that the opposition had

(15:22):
any real ground of complaint. Mazarin never seems to have acknowledged,
and he certainly at this time failed to grasp the
gravity of the situation. The leaders of the parliamentary Frond were,
to a great extent men who represented the highest type
of citizen life and who had the welfare of France

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at heart. In attacking a wasteful administration and a ruinous
system of taxation, the Frond movement is deserving of respect.
There was much to urge against the frauds of contractors,
unjust imprisonments, and the creation of new offices, and many
of the suggested reforms of the Chamber of Saint Louis

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were excellent. On May fifteenth, sixteen, forty eight delegates from
the four sovereign courts, namely the Parliament, the Grand Conseil,
the Chambre des Comte and the courtes had met in
the Chamber of Saint Louis to reform the abuses which
had crept into the state. The thirty two delegates who

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sat in that chamber formulated their demands and practically claimed
a share in the legislative authority. Their principal demands were
number one, that no tax should be levied unless previously
voted by the Parliament of Paris. Number two, that no
one should be kept in prison for more than twenty

(16:49):
four hours without being tried. Number three, That an investigation
into the extortions of the farmers of the tax should
be made. Number five. Four, that a quarter of the
tie should be remitted, and that money gained from that
source should be strictly appropriated to the wars. Number five.

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That the attendance should be abolished. Number six that no
new office should be created without the agreement of the
Parliament of Paris. The Parliament of Paris thus proposed to
take up a position similar to that occupied by the
English Parliament. But the Parliament of Paris was unfitted to

(17:33):
be a legislative body. It was merely a close corporation
of hereditary lawyers whose claim to political functions had been
summarily dismissed by Richelieu. The demand for the abolition of
the intendants at once testifies to its want of statesmanship.

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Among Richelia's beneficial measures, none was more valuable than the
appointment of the intendants. By abolishing them, the Parliament of
Paris was threatening the unity of the whole internal administration.
Without the intendants, the provinces would once again fall into
the incapable hands of the nobles. Feudalism would again be rampant,

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and general confusion and anarchy would ensue. The Parliament, no doubt,
attacked the Intendants in the hope of succeeding to their
functions and thus securing a considerable voice in the administration
of the provinces. The intendants, to whose full title was
Anton Dan of Justice, police and Finance, had often infringed

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upon the jurisdiction of the Parliament, which was always jealous
of any invasion of its judicial powers. The proposals of
the Chamber of Saint Luis constituted a distinct attack on
the royal power. They also implied, on the part of
the sovereign courts, an invasion of the rights of the nation.

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The King alone had legislative power, and the States General
alone had the right to present to him their grievances.
At this crisis, it is evident that the Parliament wished
to supersede the States General and to take their place.
Such a usurpation on the part of a body of

(19:28):
lawyers could not be tolerated, either by the government or
by the nation, and the resistance of the former eventually
received the full support of the French people. Anne of Austria,
in her determination to preserve for her son all the
royal prerogatives intact, was furious at the demands of the

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sovereign courts and was prepared to enter upon a contest
with them without delay. Mazarin, however, persuaded her to tempera.
Or Leon in July seventh presided over a conference in
his palace, and certain concessions were made by Mazarin to
the opposition. The Superintendent Emmerie was dismissed and the incapable

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martial de la Mairee substituted. A Chamber of Justice was
set up to deal with all abuses connected with the
financial administration. Over the abolition of the intendants, there was
much angry discussion. Eventually, Anne gave a reluctant consent to
the suppression of all except those in Langdoc, Provence and

(20:38):
the Leonet Picardi and Champagne. Despite these conferences, or Leon
showed a sympathy with the Frondeur, and it was evident
that he would not havehold the royal cause. Being determined
at the first opportunity to resist the pretensions of the Parlement,
and being desirous to sound the lawyer of Cronde, Anne

(21:02):
and Mazarin, summoned the Prince to Paris. It was probably
arranged at some interviews which took place on July nineteenth
and the following day, that the Prince should first crush
the Archduke Leopold and then return to aid the government
in overcoming the resistance of the Parlement. Till Coronde had

(21:24):
won a decisive victory. The government thought it well to
continue to temporize, and Anne of Austria simulated a desire
to satisfy all the demands of the frondeurg On July
thirty first, a royal declaration agreed to the majority of
the claims made by the sovereign courts in the Chamber

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of Saint Luis. No satisfactory guarantee was, however, given with
regard to the personal liberty of the subject, and Broussel
and other extremists continued to agitate. The situation, which in
many respects resembled that of seventeen ninety two, remained critical,

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the Frondeurs demanding further radical changes, while the Court anxiously
awaited developments on the frontier. At last, on August twenty second,
sixteen forty eight arrived. The news of Coronde's victory at Lance.
Heaven has at last declared in our favor, wrote Mazarin.

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In the low countries, no less than in other places,
the victories of Seussmarchausen, Tortosa and Prague had now been
crowned by the victory of Lance. The superiority of the
French arms was proved, and the court prepared to crush
the opposition of the Parlement. The success at Lance would,

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in Mazarin's opinion, enable him to force Spain to make
peace and to try over the Parlement. By the advice
of the Count of Chavigni, the King's Council, which included,
besides the Queen, Regent and Mazarin, the Dukes of Orleon
and Lanueville, the Chancellor, Seguier, and Meiret, the Superintendent of

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the Finances, decided, like the Court of Louis the sixteenth,
in July of seventeen eighty nine, to carry out a
coup d'etais and to arrest three members of the Parlement Broussel,
Blancmenil and Charton. The arrests were to take effect in August.

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On August twenty sixth, the day on which it today
was being sung in Notre Dame in honor of the
victory at Lance, the attempt to carry out the coup
d'etas was made. Unlike Charles the First in his attempt
to arrest the five members, the action of the French
government was partially successful. Charton Indie escaped, but Brussel and

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Blancmenil were seized. The populace of Paris at once rose
and erected barricades. The whole city was in an uproar.
The news that mazzan Niello had headed a rising in
Naples against the tax gatherers helped to excite the mob,
just as the victories of the English Parliament had encouraged

(24:25):
the aspirations of the French parlament. At this point, Paul
de Gondi, better known as the Cardinal Durets, the intriguing
coadjutor of the Archbishop of Paris, became prominent. He appeared
at the Palais Royal and advised the Queen regent to
yield to the popular wish and release Brussel and blanc Manille.

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Having failed in his object, he set to work to
inflame still more the passions of the multitude. On August
twenty seventh, the situation became yet more serious, and the
Chancellor Seguier, attacked by the mob, nearly lost his life.
The Parliament endeavored, at first without success, to induce Anne

(25:12):
to release the prisoners, but at length, yielding to the
advice of Orleans and Mazarin, she consented to a compromise.
The Parlement agreed not to interfere in political matters, and
Brussel and Blancmignille were released. The barricades disappeared, and outwardly

(25:33):
Paris was pacified, but all danger was by no means over.
The Duke of Longueville had, during the troubles held a
very ambiguous attitude, and it was evident that he and
other nobles were not loyal to the court. The troops
had shown signs of mutiny. The days of the league
seemed likely to return. On August twenty ninth, Mazarin made

(25:57):
certain suggestions to the regent which testified to his foresight
and determination. He was resolved to restore the royal authority
and to subdue the parliament. He was determined to enforce
the supremacy of the king in Paris until that had
been accomplished, the reputation of France would suffer abroad, trade

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would languish, the conclusion of the war would be deferred.
Like Mirabeaut, Mazarin recognized the necessity of removing the King
and court from the influence of the capital. He therefore
advised the departure of the court to Ruille, Contflan or
Saint Maur, where the return of Conde could be awaited.

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On that general's arrival, Paris could, if necessary, be coerced
by force of arms. Meanwhile, he urged the adoption of
temporizing measures and of a policy of conciliation, with the
object of dividing the enemies of the royal authority. Many
of the bourgeoisie were opposed to the late seditious conduct

(27:03):
of Paris, and the older members of the parliament were
disposed to peace. But a powerful party in the Parliament
was determined to regain its political powers, and, on the
instigation of Durets, held meetings in order to consult upon
the necessary measures to be taken. Moreover, the Count of
Chavigni had deserted the cause of the court and urged

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the parliament to resist Mazarin to the uttermost it was
obvious that a further collision between the royal authority and
the Parliament was inevitable. Mazaron's mind was made up. On
September thirteenth, the court moved to Ruil, where it was
joined by Orleon, Segier, Mayor Ret and Coronde. Two of

(27:50):
the cardinal's opponents, the Marquis of Chateauneuf and the Count
of Chavigni, at once felt the heavy hand of the minister.
The former was exiled, the latter was placed under arrest.
The attempt of a deputation of the Parliament, headed by
its president Matthieu Molet, to secure the release of Chavigni

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and to induce the Queen Regent to return to Paris failed,
and the King's Council annulled the decree of the Parlement itself.
The Parliament prepared to take defensive measures, but the outbreak
of hostilities was averted by the temporary triumph of a
pacific spirit in the court. It is difficult to account

(28:32):
for this sudden change. It was probably due to the
fact that Mazarin could not depend upon the wholehearted support
of CRONDEI in carrying out an energetic policy. Conde indeed
stood apart from Durets and looked with contempt upon the
long robed Parlement as much as he did upon the Canai.

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Like Napoleon, he scorned mob rule and disorder. But for
years he had been aliens from Mazarin and hated him
as much as he despised the Frondeurs. Yielding to the
persuasions of Dretz, Conde advocated the assembling of a conference,
hoping to bring about Mazarin's exclusion from its meetings. The

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conference first met at Saint Germain on September twenty fifth,
the Royal Authority being represented by Orleon, Conde, Conti and Longueville,
and it lasted ten days till October fourth. After long discussions,
the members agreed to an ordinance, which was published on
October twenty second, sixteen forty eight, and known as the

(29:41):
Declaration of Saint Germains. Most of the demands of the
Chamber of Saint Luis were conceded. The financial, judicial, and
commercial administration of the kingdom was regulated, and measures were
taken to check arbitrary arrests and to reform the methods
of taxation. This ordinance was the most important act of

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the first or parliamentary fraud, and represents the high water
mark of constitutional advance made by the Parliament and its supporters.
It almost seemed that constitutional life was at last to
begin in France. But if examined closely, the Declaration of

(30:23):
October twenty second bears full evidence as to the selfish
and narrow aims of the Parliament and shows how every
so called constitutional effort on its part was tainted by
its determination to secure its own privileges. In the Declaration
it is specifically stated that the charges and privileges of

(30:46):
the Parliament should be guaranteed. Though the regular payment of
the want of the Hotel de Ville, a matter in
which the bourgeoisie was interested, was enforced, and though there
was a reference in general term to the amelioration of
the lot of the mass of the people, the Declaration
was principally concerned with securing and confirming the privileges of

(31:10):
the Parliament. So far, Mazarin and Anne had been forced
to yield, and the Parliament had apparently won the day.
But Mazarin had only simulated a yielding spirit. In reality,
he was more determined than ever to establish the royal
authority to crush all opposition in Paris by a concentration

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of troops under a trusted commander. By his advice, Anne
had made promises which he never intended to keep, and
Mazarin was simply biding his time. One of his most
striking characteristics was his perseverance in carrying out his plans.
Having fixed upon a policy, he carried it through in

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the end, though compelled to adopt various and unexpected methods
before success was attained. It is noteworthy that the Treaty
of Westphalia and the Treaty with the Frondeu was signed
on the same day. It is equally noteworthy that, while
the Frondeu were seemingly triumphant, Mazarin was making careful preparations

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for the civil war, which he regarded as inevitable. On
October thirtieth, the court returned to Paris, and two months
of anxiety followed. Or Leon was with difficulty induced to
forego his feelings of resentment towards Mazarin and to remain
faithful to the royal cause. His support was all the

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more valuable as the Parliament was disposed to harass the
government at every opportunity. It complained that the promises in
the Declaration of October twenty second were not carried out,
that the grievances of the taxpayers had not been remedied. Moreover,
like the National Assembly in seventeen eighty nine, it was

(33:00):
much agitated at the gradual concentration of troops around Paris.
Though or Leon and Conde visited the Parliament in December
and promised that the Declaration of October twenty second should
be loyally executed. The attacks on the government, and especially
on Mazarin, increased in violence. Countless pamphlets styled Mazarinades were

(33:26):
published containing abuse of the Cardinal. It was the fashion
to hate Mazarin is the declaration of a court lady,
and the hatred was shared by the nobles and the
workmen of Paris. He gained no thanks for the conclusion
of the Peace of Westphalia, but was attacked for not
bringing the war with Spain to a close. These attacks

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on the Cardinal were intensified by the support which they
gained from Durets. In the existing complications lay his chance
of securing at least notoriety. Utterly unprincipled and absolutely devoid
of any patriotic feelings, Durets hoped during the coming troubles
to become the practical ruler of Paris. For five years,

(34:12):
Paris read little else but Mazarinade, which with very rare exceptions,
were utterly devoid of literary merit. These attacks on his
authority and position implied, in Mazarin's opinion, the growth of
revolutionary views, and he warned the Queen Mother that the
situation in France resembled that in England at the opening

(34:35):
of the Civil War. He thought that his own position
was like Strafford's, and he was prepared to act vigorously.
The encroachments on the royal authority increased, and the Cardinal
advocated a fresh retirement from Paris. On January fifth, sixteen
forty nine, the Court, under circumstances of haste and secrecy,

(34:58):
moved suddenly to sen Germains, and the Parisians the following
morning saw war, siege, and famine at their gates. The
Civil war had begun and continued from January sixth to
April first, sixteen forty nine. Mazarin hoped, by means of
the troops, to cut Paris off from all supplies and

(35:20):
to starve it into surrender, but the army of fifteen
thousand was not large enough for carrying out so elaborate
as scheme, and Mazarin had to be content with occupying
the principal posts outside the city. Under Conde the military
operations were efficiently performed and the Parisians, with their hastily

(35:40):
raised army, could do little but defend themselves. Though risings
took place in the north and southeast, the War of
the First frond concentrated itself round the capital. At first,
Paris adopted a bold attitude under the influence of the
Duchesse of Longeville, who who now sank to the level

(36:01):
of a mere adventuress. The Frondeur were joined by many princes,
such as her brother, the Prince of Contis, her husband,
the Duke of Longueville, the Marshal de la Motte, the
Duke of Bouillon, and the Duke of Beaufort. The latter,
together with Durets, became the real leaders of the resistance
to the court, and were the last to be reconciled

(36:24):
to the government. While Durets headed the parliamentary movement, Beaufort,
the idol of the markets, led the mob, hoping to
stir up the provinces. The Duke of Longueville proceeded to Normandy,
but Mazarin at once sent the Count of Arcours to
suppress all rebellious movements. In spite of this danger and

(36:47):
of small risings in the southwest, the War of the
First Frande was mainly an attempt on the part of
the Parliament of Paris to remedy certain existing evils in
the government, though Durets hoped to win a decisive success
by means of the Treason of Turin. The treason of
Turin was more serious than possible rebellions in the provinces.

(37:11):
That general, perhaps beguiled by the Duchess of Longeville, proposed
to lead his army composed mainly of Germans, to Paris. Fortunately,
the German auxiliaries refused to follow him, and Tourin was
compelled later to retire to Heilbrun and thence to Holland.

(37:31):
Freed from all fear of any serious risings in the provinces,
and for the moment from any hostile movement on the
part of Turin, Mazarin was able to devote his energies
to the task of subduing Paris. There on January twelfth,
the mob had seized the Arsenal and had secured possession
of the Bastille. Two days later, on January fourteenth, Beauforts

(37:56):
occupied Charenton, important as facilitating the entry of provisions into Paris.
Possessed of Charentin and the town of bric Conte Robert,
the Parisians could feel secure from all danger of being
starved into surrender. In spite, however, of these successes and
of the continual efforts of Durets in Beaufort, the Parisian

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levies proved no match for Conde's regular troops, before whom
they fled on January twenty third and again on January
twenty ninth. These reverses, together with the loss of Charenton
on February eighth, encouraged the Party of Moderation among the
clergy and the members of the Parliament to raise their

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voices in favor of peace. The people in Paris were
becoming weary of the war, resented the sufferings to which
they were subject, and complained of the conduct of their generals.
From being a determined stand for liberties and reforms, the
war was already showing signs of degenerating into a mere

(39:02):
selfish struggle on the part of the nobles against the
centralization of the royal power, and especially against Mazarin. In
many respects, the siege of sixteen forty nine foreshadowed that
of eighteen seventy. There was the same levity and anarchy,
the same endurance and courage. Conde and Moltke both experienced

(39:27):
similar difficulties in their attempts to subdue the French capital.
Through the influence of Duret's negotiations were entered into with Spain,
and a Spanish envoy arrived in Paris. But a reaction
had begun, and the moderate party in the parliament protested
against dealings with Spain. The clergy favored a settlement, and

(39:49):
the news of the execution of Charles the First shocked
the consciences of the more reasonable men on both sides.
The loss, too, on February twenty fifth, of the town
of bri Comte Robert, increased enormously the difficulty of securing supplies.
Though Durets remained master of the Parisian populous and intractable,

(40:13):
and though the nobles of the Fronde stood, aloof moderate
councils prevailed, and on February twenty eighth, the Parlement decided
to send deputies who should treat not with Mazarin but
with the court. The interests of the royal cause demanded
a settlement, even though of a temporary character. Turins was

(40:36):
still anxious to march to the aid of Paris. The
Archduke Leopold was ready to invade France, and some of
the French governors of frontier towns were intriguing with the Spaniards.
Concessions were therefore advisable. On March eleventh, a compromise was
patched up, known as the Treaty of Rouille, but in

(40:57):
Paris the terms were refused. The extreme members of the
parliament were furious when they realized that Mazarin was to
remain in power and that till the end of sixteen
forty nine the Parliament was not to discuss political questions.
It was not till April second that the treaty, slightly modified,

(41:18):
was accepted and the twelve weeks war came to an end.
The right of the Parliament to take some part in
state affairs was reluctantly allowed by Mazarin, and the treaty
was registered. The Parisian troops were then disbanded, but the
main object of the Frondeurs, the expulsion of Mazarin from France,

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remained unfulfilled, and the people and nobles regarded the treaty
with no enthusiasm. Though however, the Parisian populace might cry
no peace, no Mazarin, the merchants were anxious for peace
without delay, and the Queen Regent realized that the restoration
of the royal authority depended on the continued presence of

(42:04):
Mazarin at the head of the government. Nevertheless, the struggle
was not yet over. Though Paris was illuminated and a
today enchanted men like Duretz and Beaufort remained hostile. The
Treaty of Rouille was merely a truce. End of Chapter

(42:27):
four