05 - Mazarin by Arthur Hassall

Step into the world of Giulio Raimondo, better known as Cardinal Mazarin, whose tenure as Richelieus chosen successor reshaped the landscape of 17th-century France. A master diplomat, Mazarin navigated the complexities of power while maintaining a close, possibly secretive relationship with the Queen-Mother, Anne of Austria. Together, they faced the tumultuous Fronde rebellion, emerging victorious with the strategic brilliance of military commander Turenne by their side. By the time of his death in 1661, Mazarin had not only upheld Richelieus ambitious foreign policy but had also elevated the young Louis XIV to the throne, establishing him as the absolute monarch of one of Europes most formidable nations. As historian Arthur Hassall noted, Mazarins legacy was built on patience, perseverance, and sagacity. (Pamela Nagami)

Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:00):
Chapter five of Mazarin by Arthur Hassel. This LibriVox recording
is in the public domain recording by Pamela and Agami.
The early years of the New Frande sixteen forty nine
to sixteen fifty one, the Treaty of Ruil neither excited

(00:23):
enthusiasm among the French people, nor did it allay the
troubles in the provinces. In Provence and Normandy, there had
been disturbances which in the former province continued, while in
Guienne the discontent had developed into something approaching rebellion. The
Duke of Epernon, the governor of that province, had by

(00:47):
his tyranny, stirred up disorders which were with difficulty only
partly suppressed. The re establishment of the intendants was requisite
for the preservation of order and good government, and Mazarin,
though unable at that time to carry out this very
necessary measure, hit upon the plan of sending members of

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the parliamentary families as commissioners into the provinces. He thus
did something to remedy one of the chief blunders of
the Chamber of Saint Luis. The First or Old Fronde,
had had disastrous results upon the provincial administration its effects
upon the course of the war against Spain were equally detrimental.

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Hoping to gain advantageous terms from Mazarin. Owing to the
troubles in Paris, the Spaniards refused to consent to the
Session of alsasor to make peace without receiving large concessions.
The French position in Italy, Catalonia and Flanders had been

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indeed weakened, and the Archduke Leopold had succeeded in taking
Saint Venod April twenty fifth, sixteen forty nine and Epre
May tenth, but Mazarin had shown no signs of relinquishing
any portion of what France had won by the Peace
of Westphalia, and the event fully justified him. For some time. However,

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the situation on the northeast border remained a source of
serious anxiety. Conde had declined to take command of the army,
and Turin, though outwardly reconciled to the court, remained like
his brother, the Duke of Bouion, hostile to Mazarin and

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refused to undertake the Siege of Cambray. The seizure of
the Principality of Sidon by Richelia still rankled in the
minds of Bouillon and Turin, and Mazarin so far had
been unable to satisfy their ambition and win them over
to the side of the crown by offers of territory

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and pensions. Arcours, the commander in Flanders, did indeed endeavor
to second Mazarin's statesmanlike efforts to restore the French fortunes,
but he failed to capture Combre, and this reverse was
a source of congratulation to the unpatriotic enemies of the court,

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and a fresh series of mazarinads appeared, some of a
most insulting character. Mazarin at once proceeded to Saint Antent
to encourage Arcours, who early in September took Cronde, a
place of considerable importance. Though later on compelled to abandon

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the town, he had at any rate shown the Spaniards
that France was still able to carry out an offensive
policy on the frontier. On October eighteenth, sixteen forty nine,
the court returned to Paris. Mazarin had gained over the
Duchesse of Chevreuse, but had failed to conciliate Durets or Beaufort. Nevertheless,

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the arrival of the King and court was the signal
for great rejoicings in Paris, and to outward appearance, internal
peace was assured. Even Mazarin had no unfriendly reception, but
already signs of the formation of a new Fronde were
not wanting. The party of the Mportin, who in sixteen

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forty three had been swept away by Mazarin, were again
raising their heads, and they hoped to find a leader
in Crondeis. This new Fronde, unlike the parliamentary Fronde, entertained
no serious projects of reform. It was mainly composed of
the princes and their followers, young nobles known as petimetre.

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It was a struggle of anas ambition. It was an
endeavor to overthrow Mazarin. The new Frondeurs had no popular sympathies.
They felt no respect for the Parliament of Paris. They
lived in an atmosphere of intrigue. They aimed at securing
power for themselves. Turbulent, insolent, intriguing and unpatriotic. The New

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Frande has no claim to any sympathy or respect. A
remarkable feature in the New Fronde was the influence exercised
by ladies. Even during the period of the Old Fronde,
the duchess of Longueville and other high born ladies had
taken a leading part against the court, but the lawyers,

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headed by Morlais had kept some control over the movement
and had closed the war by the Peace of Rouille.
During the New Fronde, the Parliament was compelled to subordinate
its feebly expressed wishes to the loud demands of the
brilliant galaxy of ladies, who, for some three years influenced

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politics in a remarkable fashion. Women, says la Valais in
his Eastward Des Francis, played throughout this time the most
splendid part which brought out all their cleverness. Theirs was
a life of adventure and romance, crowded with pleasures and perils.

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They took the lead alike in love affairs or warlike expeditions,
in fetes or conspiracies. Women had frequently played a conspicuous
part in French politics, but probably never had they enjoyed
so much influence in the state as during the period
of the New Fronde. That influence exercised by these beautiful,

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withdy and dissolute duchesses was generally baneful and opposed to
the true interests of France. La Valai's judgment is not
too severe when he says they, the ladies, chose to
play a part in politics. They brought into public affairs

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their sordid passions, their narrow views, their frivolous ideas, and
they sacrificed to their vanity, their honor, their own peace
of mind, and the welfare of their houses. Conde's own
character fitted him for the post of leader. His greed

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for power and pealth, his arrogance, his instability, and lawlessness
mark him out a man who would, in his own interests,
endeavor to secure the supreme influence in the state, even
with Spanish aid. A brilliant soldier withi with many of
the gifts of a great general, as are evidenced by

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the tactics of Haucrois and Lance, Conde had no political wisdom,
and his conduct from the time of the return of
the court to Paris in August of sixteen forty nine
admits of no excuse. His unpatriotic action in allying with
Spain and fighting against his own country cannot be justified

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on any grounds. This was the man whose demands Mazarin
in the autumn of sixteen forty nine had to satisfy.
Conde had won brilliant victories for the regent, he had
on behalf of the court vanquished the parliamentary frind for

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these services. He did not consider that he had been
adequately recompensed. He was moreover furious at Mazarin's wise refusal
to hand over time to Longueville Pont de Larche in Normandy.
Jealous of the rival House of Vendme, he opposed the
marriage of lau Romanchini, one of Mazarin's nieces, to the

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Duke of Mercoeur, son of the Duke of Vendme. Mazarin
had no doubt hoped to gain over the Duke of
Beaufort through his brother Mercur and to oppose to the
House of Conde, the powerful house of ven Dome. As
it was. Conde's opposition in September to the marriage brought

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matters to a head, and all Mazarin's enemies gathered round
the prince. To avoid the immediate outbreak of hostilities, Mazarin
had recourse to diplomacy. On October second, he signed a
document which seemed to hand over all authority to the Prince.

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By this success, Conde alienated the frondeurg who accused him
of deserting their cause. The populace of Paris had not
forgotten that he headed the besieging army. By seizing the
supreme power, he had reduced the king to a puppet
and rendered himself unendurable to the Queen, Regent and Mazarin.

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The great nobles of France were jealous of the influence
and power aggrasped at Bay Conde, who had in vain
supported the Duchesse of Longueville's attempt to secure for two
of her friends the tabourat, or right of being seated
in the Queen's presence. An uneasy period ensued, in which

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the Prince endeavored to render his position independent of the crown,
and in which his insolence and tyranny became more and
more accentuated. He had mortally offended Anne of Austria. He
had alarmed the Parliament, which realized that it had less
to fear from the court than from Conde and his following.

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He was disliked by the citizens, and what was of
immediate importance, he was not supported by Durets, the Coadjutor,
who during these times played so brilliantly the role of
party leader would willingly have bousted Mazarin from his position.
Unable to carry out this wish, he had posed as

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a mighty demagogue and was proud of his influence over
the Paris mob. Fearing the tyranny of Conde, he was
now prepared to unite with Mazarin in delivering the Court
from the new danger which threatened it. In January sixteen fifty,
Mazarin determined to free himself and the Court from the

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man who not only had extorted terms which made him
virtual master of France, but who was now inciting the
Parliament of Bordeout rebellion, and was endeavoring to secure a
hold upon Normandy. Fortunately, as we have seen, Cronde, by
his arrogance, had broken with Durets, Beaufort and generally with

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the old Fronde. Mazarin, who was supported by Orleans, who
had won over Beaufort by elaborate promises, was thus able
to effect a union with Durets, to whom a cardinal's
hat was promised. A coup d'etais was planned and carried
out on January tenth, sixteen fifty. Cronde, Conti, and Longueville

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were arrested and shut up in the chateau of Vancenne.
The Parliament made no objection. Paris remained quiet. The authority
of the regent was restored in alliance with the old Frond.
Mazarin had temporarily checkmated the new Frond, but the friends

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of the imprisoned princes at once endeavored to raise rebellion
in the provinces, and in this work the influence of
women was very apparent. In fact, throughout the New or
Second Front, the influence of the great court ladies is
often more effective than that of the men. The duchesses

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of Longeville and of Chevreuse Mazarin once said, could overthrow
ten states. The former Conde's sister now endeavored to raise Normandy,
but failing, fled to Stinney, where she met and stirred
up Turin to fresh on patriotic acts. Mazarin had little

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difficulty in establishing the royal authority in Normandy. On February first,
the court proceeded to that province. Dieppe yielded, and after
some negotiations, the Duke of Richelieu gave up Avre that
worthy was the grand nephew of the Great Cardinal and

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his wife En Poussac de Villion was entirely in the
hands of Cronde and the Duchesse of Longueville. By his marriage,
Richelie had fallen under Conde's influence, and it had been
feared that he would refuse to yield Avre the grant
of the Tabourey to his wife. However, removed all difficulties,

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and a heavy bribe led to the submission of the
Chateau of gn by its commander, who held it in
the name of the Duke of Longueville. Saint lo Cherbourg
and Grandeville were without any resistance, placed by Francis de
Martignan in the hands of the Cardinal, who showed great

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skill in the adoption of measures to ensure the tranquility
and prosperity of Normandy. On February twentieth, bringing in its
train the Duke and Duchess of Richelie and other hostages,
the court left Normandy and on the following day arrived
in Paris. Early in March, the same process was repeated

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in Burgundy, where Coronde was governor. Before starting on his journey,
Mazarin had realized the existence of a perfect network of
intrigue in Paris, of which Augrion was the nominal center.
The members of the Old Fronde, with which Mazarin was
still in alliance, were as grasping as ever, and the

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Duchess of Chevreuse distinguished herself by the number and extent
of her demands. It was with considerable misgiving that Mazarin
again began the work of pacification from March fifth to
March sixteenth, when the court arrived at Dijon, Mazarin was

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to a great extent occupied in correspondence with LeTellier, his
trusted agent in Paris. With reference to the constant intrigues
which the weakness of Eur Leon encouraged. Durets refused to
be satisfied with an abbey, but for a time the
House of van Dome ceased its active opposition. In Burgundy,

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the center of resistance was Belgarde, where were concentrated many
of Conde's partisans. The presence of the young king on
the lines was hailed by the garrison with cries of
vive la rois. Mazarin's estimate of the depth of French
loyalty was correct, and the moderation of his terms statesmanlike.

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On April eleventh, belgard yielded and Mazarin's hands were free
to deal with the intrigue in the capital and the
revolt in Guienne. Both in Paris and in Guienne, a
sudden and unfavorable turn in events, fraught with important results
to Conde and France, had taken place. Due to the

(17:02):
influence of Claire Clement de Maiers, the hitherto despised wife
of the imprisoned Prince. The dowager Princess of Condet had
perpetual and close relations with her son's partisans in Paris
and the provinces, while her daughter in law, with her
son on Guien, now showed unexpected energy, escaped from Chantillier and,

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after a short stay at Montran, made their way to
the south. There, owing to Apernord's unpopularity, to the intrigues
of the dowager Princess of CONDEI and the hope of
Spanish assistance, rebellion had broken out and Bordeaux became again
the center of disloyalty. Turine, still under the influence of

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the Duchesse of Longueville, held Steinnet against the French, though
the Parliament of Paris had on May sixteenth declared him.
The Duchesse and Rochefuco guilty of high treason. No immediate
harm came from the Spanish alliance, as though the Spaniards

(18:14):
captured Le Catlais on June fifteenth, they failed to take
the citadel of Guisee, and on July first retired from
the town. Mazarin himself had no fear of a march
of the Spanish forces upon Paris. He was convinced that
Turin's alliance with Spain was half hearted and that the Spaniards,

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as soon as the south of France was pacified, would
content themselves with attacking towns on the northeast frontier. He
therefore decided to proceed with the court to Guienne. Mazaron's
decision was rendered necessary by the certainty that the Parliament
of Toulouse and x were prepared to imitate the rebellious

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exis example of that of Borteaux. He feared, too, that
the existence of intrigues of Bordeaux with Spain and England
might have serious results. On July fourth, the court left Paris,
and early in August a deputation from the Parliament of
Bordeaux was received. The execution of the governor of the

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Chateau of verges led to the breaking off of negotiations
and to reprisals on the part of the Buctolais. The
war therefore took a vindictive and sanguinary character. The city
was full of Conde's partisans. It was the center of
a district always celebrated for its independent character. It was

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known later as the headquarters of the Girondiste movement. The Populace,
in the autumn of sixteen fifty soon became supreme and
declared for the cause of the princes. It was of
the utmost importance to Mazarin that the rising should be
suppressed as quickly as possible. In Italy, matters were going

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badly for the French. Porto, l'angourni and Piombino had fallen,
and the Spanish fleet now supreme and the Mediterranean could
sail to the help of Borto. Conspiracies had been discovered
in Normandy, while on the northeast frontier the Spaniards had
taken La Capelle Vervain and marro and Turin had seized

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Rotel and Cato Porcion. Paris itself was in danger and
measures of defense were taken. It was decided to remove
the princes to some more distant prison. On August twenty ninth,
they were taken to Marcoussi, and thus Turin was deprived
of his principal motive for marching on the capitol. The effects, however,

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of the disasters to the French army were serious, and
the enemies of Mazarin and Paris charged the Cardinal with
all the responsibility of the defeats on the frontier. During
the absence of the court in the south of France,
the government in Paris had been carried on by a
council which included Chateau Neuf, the keeper of the Seals,

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LeTellier Serbian, the Count of Avaux, and had for its
president or Leon. The parliament had at once begun to
discuss the complaints of the inhabitants of Bordeaux and the
imprisonment of the princes, and or Leon showed no capacity
for ruling. He fell under the influence of the Duchess

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of chevreuse of his wife, and of Mademoiselle de Sourgian.
The Spaniards opened negotiations with him, and Durets urged him
to seize the government and direct the affairs of the country.
While or Leon was falling under these pernicious influences, Chateaunuf

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was busy Sichemi to supplant Mazarin, whom he openly denounced
in his position as First Minister. The policy of trusting
Orleon had succeeded no better than that of balancing the
two houses of Orleons and Conde against each other. It
was necessary to take steps to defeat the machinations of

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the Frondeur in Paris, and Mazarin therefore had every reason
to act energetically at Bordeaux in order to be free
to return to Paris. La Mairet, who commanded the royal forces,
met with a fierce resistance, and in order to get
his hands free, Mazarin offered the Bordelais excellent terms. These

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were accepted on September twenty ninth, and the king and
court entered Bordeux on October fifth. Before Rett turning to Paris,
Mazarin made efforts to secure the allegiance of the Count
of a Lais, governor of Provence. The Count was a
zealous supporter of Coronde, and the chances of the outbreak

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of a civil war in Provence were considerable. No rebellion, however,
broke out, and, having captured Montran, the king and court
arrived at Fontainbleau on November eighth. Mazarin had now become
weary of the incessant intrigues in Paris. Successful against the

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parties of the Princes, he proposed to inflict a decisive
defeat upon the Spaniards, and then to deal with his
enemies in Paris. He was resolved to resist the demands
of the Duchess of Chevuruse for money and places, and
that of Durets for a cardinal's hat. The Spaniards were

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already masters of part of Champagne, and it was absolutely
necessary to drive them from Rotel, a strategic point of
much importance. Closing as it did the valley of the
Upper End, it could be easily provisioned, and a Spanish
army in possession of it would be a perpetual menace

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to Paris. Before starting on the campaign, which it was
hoped would be crowned with success, Mazarin secured the ascent
of Orleons to the removal of the princes to Avre.
This affected, he joined the army on the frontier in December.
Rotel was taken on the thirteenth and on the fifteenth

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Turen was defeated in a pitched battle near the town.
Champagne was cleared of the Spaniards, and the value of
the royal troops had been proved. Mazarin never showed his
wisdom more clearly than in his efforts to provide for
the army and keep it loyal. On the day of

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the Battle of Rotel, he sent provisions, wine, and medical
necessities for the wounded. In the future, the king could
always count upon his army. Mazarin could, with some justice
look back upon the events of sixteen fifty. It began,
he wrote to one of his correspondents with the imprisonment

(25:22):
of the princes. Then took place the journeys to Normandy,
Burgundy and Guienne. And finally there were the events in Champagne,
whence I have driven the enemy in the middle of winter,
after having recovered Rottel and many other important places. Lastly,
there is the battle which resulted in the loss of

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the enemy's army. To all appearance, Mazarin had cause for
his satisfaction. The party of the Princes had lost control
of Normandy, Burgundy, Saumeur, Guienne and Montrent. Turin had been feeded,
and the power of the crown fully vindicated. Mazarin, who

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had in November appointed Nico la Fouquet, one of his
most trusted agents Procureur General, returned to Paris on December
thirty first, sixteen fifty. From that time he gradually carried
out a project, the wisdom of which circumstances had made
evident to him. That project implied the formation of a

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monarchical and national party, which should stand above faction. The
basis of such a party would be the bourgeoisie, which
was already wearied of the struggles of the Frond. But
this plan, though excellent, was premature, and years had to
elapse before could be carried out. Paris was seething with intrigue.

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Mazarin was hated by all parties. The Parliament had discovered
that the arrest of Conde was contrary to law, and Durettes,
furious at not obtaining a cardinal's hat, had no difficulty
in stirring up the capital. During the First Frond, Mazarin
and the Queen had been supported by Conde, and since

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the imprisonment of the latter by or Leon, Durets had
now secured the alliance of Orleons, and the union of
the two fronds against Mazarin left the court practically defenseless.
The question naturally arises. Could not Mazarin have taken severe

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measures and suppressed by force of arms the factions in Paris.
That was the view of Leon, afterwards celebrated as a
diplomatist and now one of Mazarin's supporters. At the beginning
of sixteen fifty one, Mazarin could adopt one of two courses,
either reconciliation with one of the two factions opposed to

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him and with its aid to overthrow the other, or
the declaration of war upon both. There are indications that
Mazarin strongly inclined to the latter course, that he relied
on the army to suppress the factions which troubled France before. However,
declaring war upon Durets and his followers would be necessary

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for the queen to leave Paris. Unfortunately, Anne of Austria
was laid up with an illness which had attacked her
at Poitiers and again at Amboise. Mazarin himself wrote to
Serion that he was prevented from carrying out the second alternative,
which was the best parun fatalite gier rendo laren malad

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dncet conjentcieur a or tetin de bouvois peetre de plu
do'n nois tontes secup. His enforced hesitation at this crisis
had disastrous resus. Before he could build up a national
party and suppress the factions by force of arms, Paris

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and Bordeaux experienced revolution and a period of civil war.
During January sixteen fifty one. While Mazarin hesitated, his enemies,
headed by Durets, acted with decision. The Parlement declared itself
openly and strongly in favor of the princes, and the

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two Frands united. Mazarin, who had thought himself after Hotel
able to vanquish the two Frands, had miscalculated his strength.
He now appears to have been somewhat taken by surprise
and adopted no decisive measures. The link which bound him
to Orleans was finally broken on February first, sixteen fifty one,

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when the Duke, who had joined Uretz and Beaufort in
declaring that the liberty of the princes was necessary for
the welfare of the state, stated to Anne of Austria
that the Frondeur were simply attacking the deplorable policy of Mazarin.
The Cardinal, on the other hand, said that the Frondeur,
like Fairfax and Cromwell, wished, while attacking the minister, to

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destroy the royal power. Recognizing, however, that hostility to himself
was the bond of union between the two factions, Mazarin
decided to withdraw. On February sixth, sixteen fifty one, he
left Paris, the Queen having been prevented on February ninth,

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from following his example her attempt somewhat resembling that of
Louis the sixteenth in seventeen ninety one, to go to
Saint clud, she was compelled to give orders for the
release of the princes. On hearing this news, Mazarin at
once proceeded to Avre, and on February thirteen set the

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princes at liberty. He apparently hoped, though in vain, to
gain their gratitude. In March, he left France, and from
April eleventh to the end of October he lived at Brule.
During this period he was in constant communication with the

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Queen LeTellier Leone Servian, who were with Nico la Fouquet
his most trusted supporters. Under his direction, Anne of Austria
carried on a ceaseless war with her enemies, and by
following his advice, was able to triumph eventually over her foes.

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The return of the princes to Paris was a veritable
triumph and was followed by measures for perpetuating the victory
of the aristocracy over the monarchy. The Parliament at once
annulled all declarations directed against any of Conde's supporters, and
a small committee consisting of Orleon, con de Duretz and

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Beaufort met to direct affairs. For a time, matters looked
black for the cause of royalty in France. Both frands
were united, the Parliament and the nobles were in full accord.
The Assembly of the Clergy declared itself for Liberty and Conde.

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To preserve the union between the parties of Orleons and Conde,
a double marriage was arranged on Guillen. Conde's son was
to marry a daughter of Orleons, and Contis was to
marry the daughter of the Duches de Chevreuse. The united
houses of Orleons and Conde, with their powerful supporters and

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aided by the connections and friends of the Duchesse of Chevreuse, would,
it was confidently believed, be too powerful for any combination
which Anne of Austria could bring against it. The hopes
of the triumphant princes were high, and drastic changes in
the government of France were contemplated. The nobles and clergy

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were disposed to summon the States General and by its
means to make serious modifications in the constitution. The regency
was to be taken from Anne of Austria, and a
council of eighteen chosen from the three estates, was to
be formed for the government of the country. Such was

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the situation which Anne of Austria, who was practically a
prisoner in the Palais Royal, had to face in the
early months of the year sixteen fifty one. When roused,
she could act with determination, and Anne was as firmly
resolved as ever to defend the rights of the young King,
Ready and anxious to combat the properolution. She was encouraged

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in her resistance by the constant advice of Mazarin and
by the devotion of his agents Seron and Leon, who
remained in Paris, and with whom Mazarin regularly corresponded. The
Cardinal was much disturbed on hearing of the union of
the princes with the old fronde. He showed, however, no

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sign of despair, but advised the Queen mother to take
all precautions to prevent the abduction of the king and
to seize every opportunity of sowing discord among the princes.
He was confident that the coalition would before long break
up into its original elements. Aware that the Parliament would

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view with horror the proposal to summon the states General,
he advised Anne not to reject the proposition of the
nobles and clergy, but to defer the meeting of the
three estates till after the king had attained his majority.
Events turned out as Mazarin anticipated. A violent quarrel ensued

(35:12):
between the magistrates and the nobles, while the clergy resented
the proposal of the Parliament to exclude all cardinals from
the royal Council. The exile of Mazarin had by no
means produced peace among all classes. Dissensions prevailed among the Frondeur,
and the Queen felt strong enough to refuse, at the

(35:34):
request of ur Leon, to dismiss Letelliers Servillon and Leone.
She also entered into secret negotiations with Coronde, in accordance
with Mazarin's advice to sow discord between Orleons and Conde.
In this she was aided by the return of the

(35:55):
Duchess of Longueville to Paris. This lady had for years
hated the duchesses of Chavreuse and Montbason, and her rage
was great on discovering that it had been arranged that
the daughter of the former should marry her brother Conti.
By her efforts, the proposed marriage never took place, and

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the rupture of the engagement distinctly weakened the bonds between
CONDEI and the party of Orleon. Condet was, however, for
the moment, all powerful to dissolve the union of the
parties of Conde and or Leon, and by the advice
of Mazarin, had entered into an intrigue with Conde against

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Chateau Neuf le Gart Saul, who was one of Orleon's supporters. Condet,
who was promised Guienne instead of Burgundy, agreed to the
exclusion of Chateaunuf from the council and to the admission
of Chavigni and Molas, who had been suggested by Mazarin.
On April third, sixteen fifty one, Anne carried out a

(37:05):
veritable coupdetta. A ministerial revolution was affected and Chateau Nuf
was disgraced. Though civil war, owing to the rage of
the Orlean faction, almost broke out, peace was maintained and
Conde's influence in the council was assured. The rupture of

(37:26):
the Chevreuse marriage scheme was an accomplished fact before the
end of April, and the two factions had become irreconcilable. Conde, however,
soon ruined his cause by his extravagant actions and arrogant conduct.
He was resolved to remain supreme and to secure the

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preponderance in the state of his own family and friends.
One of the principal results of the rupture of the
union between the two frands was the improved position of
Anne of Austria and of Louis the fourteenth. They were
no longer prisoners in the Palais Royal and even appeared
publicly a notre dame. This change in the situation was

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largely due to Mazarin's councils, which Anne of Austria had
followed with precision, and she had also secured valuable support
from Anne of Gonzaga, the Princess Palatine. This remarkable woman
was one of the heroines of the New Fronde, and,
like the Duchesses of longe Villen, Chevreuse, was rapacious and ambitious. Nevertheless,

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she proved a useful ally, and by her efforts contributed
in great measure to detach Conde from the Old Fronde
and from the influence of the Duchesse of Chevreuse. In
her negotiations with Conde, she had been ably seconded by
Serion and Lyon, who, according to Mazarin, went beyond his

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instructions in their offers to CONDEI. Had the latter's ambitious
hopes been satisfied, he would have controlled the southwest of France,
and by his enormous influence, would have seriously curtailed the
power of Louis the fourteenth. Successful in breaking up the
alliance between the parties of Conde and of Orleans and

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of Austria's next step was to defeat the schemes of CONDEI.
Both Mazarin and the Queen were determined to resist the
exorbitant pretensions of this overgrown subject, who seemed for a
time to be master of events, holding Guillenne Conde would
be a real menace and danger to the state. As

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soon as Mazarin was convinced that Conde's triumph meant the
annihilation of the royal power, he advised the Queen to
continue her efforts to sow dissension between the Prince and
his allies. The parliament was alienated by Conde's arrogance. His
manner in the council was insulting. Even his own relations

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were weary of his haughtiness. His brother in law, the
Duke of Longueville, had no wish to be involved in
any more plots and was on bad terms with his wife.
Conde's sister Turaneaut and his brother, the Duke of Bouillon,
were irritated with him, as they had not received the

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Principality ve Sudon, the object of their wishes for many years,
and were prepared to listen to the overtures of Mazarin. Molat,
one of the most faithful of the Prince's partisans, had
now detached himself from him, and the Dukes of Namour
and Joyeus, together with Marshals la motte and Le Mairee,

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who were discontented. The Duchess of Chevreuse, with the Marquis
of Chateauneuf, was again ready to treat with Mattie, and
even Durets was willing to come to terms. The rumor
of the return of Mazarin, however, was sufficient to throw
the parliament into a panic. It was necessary to move cautiously.

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At the end of June sixteen fifty one, Louis of Vondme,
Duke of Mercur, married l'au ro Mancini, one of Mazarin's nieces,
but the event, beyond irritating Beaufort, was of small importance.
The opposition of so many influential Frondeurs was, however, a

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serious matter for Conde, and Madame de Motteville testifies to
his fear of being arrested by some of his former allies.
On July sixth, Conde fled to the chateau of Saint Meur,
surrounded by his friends. The question of embarking at once
upon civil war was discussed, though both Bouillon and Urin

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urged moderation and reconciliation with Mazarin. Negotiations were opened with
or Leon and Conde consented to return to Paris. If LeTellier, Serbion,
and Leon, who were rightly regarded as being devoted to Mazarin,
were dismissed. On July nineteenth, the Queen yielded, and Nicola

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Fouquet remained the sole faithful correspondent of Mazarin in Paris.
On July twenty three, Conde returned to the capital, a
slight to the young king, roused the monarchical sentiment among
the Parisians and a feeling of indignation against CORONDEI. By

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Mazarin's advice, the Queen allied with Durets and his faction,
the price of the alliance being a promise of a
cardinal's hat to Durets, of the post of first Minister
to Chateaunuf, and of the seals to Morlais. Mazarin's nephew
you a Manchini was to marry Mademoiselle de Chevreuse and

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the Duchess of Chevreuse. Chateaunuf and Durets were to do
all in their power to detach or Leon from Conde.
Secure of the support of Durets and the members of
the Old Fronde, the Queen on August seventeenth accused Conde
publicly of disloyalty and of treasonable intercourse with Spain. Civil

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war almost ensued between the two Frants and was only
averted owing to the approaching celebration of the king's majority.
To preserve peace, Anne agreed to postpone the settlements of
all questions at issue till after that event, and in
order to conciliate the Parlament and the people, did not
even oppose the issue of a fierce declaration against Mazarin.

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The Cardinal himself was appalled by the violence of the
language used, but Anne of Austria had only are to
the declaration from motives of policy. On September seventh, sixteen
fifty one, the majority of Louis the fourteenth was celebrated
and a new situation was created. Mazarin's plan for uniting

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all loyal men in support of the king had now
good chance of success. Such a scheme could alone vanquish
the Frondeur and restore peace to France. The principal obstacle
to the realization of this scheme was Coronde. Rebellion or
submission were now the only alternatives open to him. In

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an evil moment for his fame and for the welfare
of his country. He decided, with the full concurrence of
his sister, the notorious Duchesse of Longeville, to ally with
Spain and to involve France in Civil War sixteen fifty three.
Mazarin had to deal with an armed rebellion end of

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Chapter five.