August 18, 2025 • 41 mins
Step into the world of Giulio Raimondo, better known as Cardinal Mazarin, whose tenure as Richelieus chosen successor reshaped the landscape of 17th-century France. A master diplomat, Mazarin navigated the complexities of power while maintaining a close, possibly secretive relationship with the Queen-Mother, Anne of Austria. Together, they faced the tumultuous Fronde rebellion, emerging victorious with the strategic brilliance of military commander Turenne by their side. By the time of his death in 1661, Mazarin had not only upheld Richelieus ambitious foreign policy but had also elevated the young Louis XIV to the throne, establishing him as the absolute monarch of one of Europes most formidable nations. As historian Arthur Hassall noted, Mazarins legacy was built on patience, perseverance, and sagacity. (Pamela Nagami)
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
Chapter seven of Mazarin by Arthur Hassel. This LibriVox recording
is in the public domain. Recording by Pamelinagami. The Spanish
War and the English Alliance sixteen forty eight to sixteen
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fifty nine. The continuance of internal trouble in France and
the death in November sixteen fifty of William the second
Stadtholder of the United Provinces upset all Mazarin's schemes with
regard to Spain and England. The Peace of Munster, made
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in January sixteen forty eight between the Dutch and the Spaniards,
had confounded his policy and frustrated all his hopes. But
though his plans had for the moment failed, he trusted,
by means of the influence of William the same second,
to induce the States General to cancel the peace. In
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that event, he anticipated an early triumph over Spain and
an opportunity for interfering in England on behalf of the Stuarts.
It seemed that the time had come to strike a
blow against republican institutions and republican parties. For while a
republic had been established in England, the Republican Frond troubled France,
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and William the Second's Republican opponents received encouragement from England.
The new Frond of the Princes was on the side
of Spain. In England, Spain was popular, while the United
Provinces had seceded from the French alliance and joined Spain.
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Mazarin was therefore justified in considering the advisability of uniting
with William the second in us in attacking the Roman
Catholic Netherlands and in attempting the restoration of the Stuarts.
The Houses of Bourbon, Stuart and Orange would thus join
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in opposition to the English Commonwealth, and a great blow
would be inflicted on Spain. William the Second's death on
November sixth, sixteen fifty, destroyed this scheme, and, like the
Dutch alliance with Spain in sixteen forty eight, came as
an overwhelming blow to Mazarin's hopes. In December sixteen fifty,
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he had indeed, by the victory of Rotel, driven the
Spaniards out of Champagne, but his exile from France and
the general confusion which ensued rendered any effect of operations
against the Spaniards. In sixteen fifty one impossible. Moreover, Conde,
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who was supreme in Paris during the greater part of
sixteen fifty one, entered into negotiations with Spain, and was
apparently prepared in order to secure his own position, to
make a definite alliance with Philip the Fourth. After the
king had attained his majority in September sixteen fifty one,
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Conde plunged into civil war and had no hesitation in
accepting the aid of the Spaniards. The Archduke Leopold, without
any difficulty, retook fun and some other places, and in
sixteen fifty two his troops won many successes. It was
said by the Venetian minister that while former years had
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been filled with constant victories for France, now every week
brought the news of some loss. No decisive battle was fought,
but the Spaniards gradually recaptured most of the place which
France had won at the expense of many lives and
much treasure in the earlier years of the war. In
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May sixteen fifty two they attacked and took gravelin which
they had lost in sixteen forty four, and in August
Dunkirk was closely invested and a regular siege of the
place was begun. Recognizing the advantages accruing to Spain from
a continuance of the disorder in France, the Archduke had
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decided not to send active help to Conde and his party,
trusting that they would be strong enough to hold their
own and continue the civil war. He therefore ordered Fuensaldana
not to attack Paris in concert with the Duke of
Lorraine in the summer of sixteen fifty two, but to
lead his army to Dunkirk. Though Mazarin had long been
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aware of the danger which which threatened Dunkirk, he failed
to recognize the necessity of at once gaining the support
of Oliver Cromwell. As early as sixteen fifty he had
noted the importance of England and the necessity of conciliating
the English government, but it was not till later that
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events forced him to realize the necessity of an alliance.
In June sixteen fifty one, one of his own secretaries
had been unable to enter Dunkirk owing to the presence
of some twelve or fifteen English ships which were watching
the town. Though too he was well aware that supplies
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and reinforcements could only be introduced by a fleet. He
failed to recognize the strength of the anti French feeling
in England, and thus lost Dunkirk. The history of the
loss of this important place illustrates admirably the methods of
the Cardinal and the strength and weakness of his character.
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In sixteen fifty one, he seems to have hoped to
secure the aid of either the Dutch or the English
fleet in order to save Dunkirk. Its governor Estrade, who
in June sixteen fifty one advised Mazarin to collect all
the troops then garrisoning towns in the north of France
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and to attack Paris, was helpless. Dunkirk was besieged by
the Spaniards and apparently could not hold out beyond the
end of January sixteen fifty two. To save the place,
secret negotiations had indeed been opened with England and Holland,
with the latter power. The French negotiations were opened, probably
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at the close of November sixteen fifty one, but owing
to the protests of the Spanish ambassador and to the
dislike of the states to a friends war, they had
been broken off. Meanwhile, Estrade had in all probability already
offered to admit an English garrison into the town. Cromwell,
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with the assent of two members of the Council of State,
had before this sent secretly a Colonel Fitzjames to Dunkirk,
and the result of his mission was that Estrade seriously
considered the possibility of delivering the town to the English government.
In January sixteen fifty two, Fitzjames was again sent to
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Dunkirk with definite overtures which Cromwell intended to be presented
to the French government. Estrade declared that the proposals of
Cromwell were laid before Mazarin at Angais. At any rate,
Mazarin was far from showing any anxiety to close the bargain.
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He was busy fighting Conde and his partisans on the Loire,
and hoped that a decided success in that quarter would
render the acceptance of the English terms and the surrender
of Dunkirk unnecessary. In April sixteen fifty two, five thousand
English soldiers were assembled at Dover, ready to be conveyed
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to Dunkirk, but Mazarren haggled and hesitated. He hoped that
he could preserve Dunkirk by means of a relieving fleet,
and that the English would not interfere with the French expedition.
As Louis the fourteenth government still persisted in refusing to
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recognize the Commonwealth. Mazarin's hopes of English neutrality were destined
to be disappointed, and a severe penalty was exacted for
his failure to realize the true position of affairs. Mazarin
had indeed formed a plan, but none of the measures
take to relieve Dunkirk, or of any avail. God knows.
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He wrote to Estrade the trouble that I have taken
during the last six months to send you help. There
was only one way to relieve Dunkirk, and Mazarin only
too late realized the vital importance to France of a
friendly understanding with England. The Duke of Vendome, the French admiral,
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was ordered to bring a fleet from La Rochelle, and,
taking advantage of the temporary absence of Blake and the
English fleet, which was at that moment in pursuit of
some Dutch ships, to throw supplies and reinforcements into Dunkirk.
Ven Dome, however, found the execution of his task beset
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with difficulties near the islands of Ree and Eulen. He
was attacked on August nineteenth by some Spanish ships and
by some vessels under the Count of Donnan, one of
Conde's supporters. Though victorious, Vendome had to put back into
La Rochelle to refit, and revictual delays occurred, and at
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last it was decided to collect ships from Picardie and Normandy,
especially from Calais and Bologne, and with them to assist
the besieged garrison in Dunkirk. On September fourteenth, this hastily
equipped fleet, which numbered seven vessels and some fire ships,
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set sail and was met by some Spanish ships under
the Marquis of Lead, who had surrendered Dunkirk to the
French in sixteen forty six. Before a battle could take place,
the English fleet of fifteen ships under Blake arrived and
captured all the French vessels except one, which escaped under
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cover of the night. The following day, September sixteenth, Dunkirk
surrendered to the Spaniards. Mazarin's hesitation and ignorance of the
character of Cromwell and of the true position of affairs
in England had brought upon France a great disaster. He
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had carried on his negotiations too long, fancying that by
waiting he could obtain English neutrality at a much lower price.
In April, he seems to have almost made up his
mind to hand over Dunkirk as the price of an
English alliance against Spain. Had he done so, France would
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have gained enormously, and the treaty of sixteen fifty eight
with England would have been antedated by some five years.
But as yet he had not realized the tenacity of
Cromwell and of his counsel, and he hoped to gain
his ends at a cheap rate. As it was, he
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overshot the mark, and the Italian diplomatist only learned after
bitter experiences that methods suitable for dealing with continental statesmen
were inadequate for treating with a man like Oliver Cromwell.
He had, however, learned his lesson, and in December sixteen
fifty two, the French government formally acknowledged the English Commonwealth.
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Never was France in greater need of a powerful ally.
The year sixteen fifty two, which saw the fall of
Dunkirk to the great delight of Conde and his supporters,
who boasted that they were now masters of the sea,
saw also the loss of Cassale and Catalonia. The influence
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of France in Italy suffered a severe blow, and the
Duke of Mantua, to whom was given the custody of Cassale,
became the ally of Spain. In sixteen twenty eight, Cassale
had been captured by Richelie, who also, before his death
had united Catalonia to the French crown. The loss of
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that great province was immediately due to the rebellion of
Conde in sixteen fifty one and sixteen fifty two. Marson,
the governor, was a supporter of the prince, and on
the outbreak of the civil war, had left Catalonia to
aid in the revolt of Bucdeaux in sixteen fifty three.
It was Mazarin's duty to carry on the war with
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vigor against Spain and to recover what had been lost
since sixteen forty eight. For these extensive operations, money was required,
and Mazarin continued to find Fouquet's services in this respect invaluable.
In December sixteen fifty four, Mazarin divided the functions of
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the two superintendents. To surveillance was given the department of
expenditure to Fouquet that of receipts. In other words words,
to Fouquet was allotted the whole management of loans. This
division of functions was not made a moment too soon.
Freed from the trammels imposed on him by his colleague,
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Fouquet proved equal to the demands made on him for
the Spanish War. Though the king had no credit, the
courteous Fouquet was regarded with confidence. He was known to
be wealthy, He was easy of access, his manner was conciliatory,
his financial abilities were undoubted. Men at once lent willingly
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to Fouquet, and Fouquet lent to the king. In sixteen
fifty six, after the capture of Valenciennes, Fouquet provided nine
hundred thousand livre at the end of sixteen fifty seven
ten million more. Freed from immediate anxiety with regard to fund,
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Mazarin could devote himself to the overthrow of Spain, the
recognition of the English Commonwealth, the dispersal of the discontented princes,
and the suppression of the rebellion in Guienne were valuable
preliminary steps toward the attainment of this object. In sixteen
fifty three, Turin defeated an attempt of Coronde to capture Paris,
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and at the end of the year Sante Meneau was taken.
Though aided by her alliance with Coronde, Spain could not
resist the skill and energy of Turin. In June sixteen
fifty four, Aras was captured and an August Stennet was relieved.
The success of the French was complete. CONDEI and his
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allies were driven to Brussels, and the northern frontier was secure. Meanwhile,
ar Cour, who at a critical moment had thrown up
his command in Guienne and had hoped to establish himself
as an independent prince in Alsace and Philipsburg, was compelled
through Mazarin's astuteness, to surrender his government, and the year
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sixteen fifty four ended in brilliant fashion by the capture
of Caneois, Bans and Clermont. The tide of Spanish successes
had at last been checked, and Louis the fourteenth, who
had been crowned amid its circumstances of great solemnity on
June seventh, sixteen fifty four had been himself present with
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the army besieging Stinnet. The relief of Arras was the
turning point in the history of the war. Arras had
always been regarded as one of the gems of the
Spanish monarchy, and its capture by France marked the beginning
of that revival of the French military power, which developed
with such amazing rapidity during the ensuing years of Louis
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the fourteenth's reign. As if to counterbalance these successes, certain
events occurred about the same time which demonstrated the shifting
character of Italian politics and the necessity for firmness in
dealing with any attempt to revive the animosities of the
Frond period in Italy. A fresh effort at intervention on
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the part of France ended in failure. The Duke of
Ghiese had led an expedition to Naples, which it was
expected would rise on the appearance of the French fleet,
but the Spaniards met him with a superior armament, and
Giese was compelled to return somewhat ignominiously to France. Equally
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annoying to Mazarin was the escape from Vincenne of the
cardinal Durets. On the death of the Archbishop of Paris
in March sixteen fifty four, Durets had succeeded to his position,
but the the government would not recognize the coadjutor's claim
to the office. Before the end of the month, Durets,
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in hopes of securing his release, resigned his archbishopric and
was transferred to the castle of Nantes, where he was
treated with leniency. His resignation was, however, not accepted by
Pope Innocent the Tenth, who hated Mazarin and was friendly
to Deurets, on whom he had previously bestowed a cardinal's hat.
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On August eighth, that Worthy managed to escape to Spain
and at the same time sent to the government a
revocation of his resignation as archbishop. In November sixteen fifty four,
he arrived in Rome and was welcomed by the Pope.
On January seventh, sixteen fifty five, Innocent the Tenth died,
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to the great joy of the Roman populace, and it
was at that moment that Lyon arrived at Rome with
special instructions from Mazarin to secure a papal repudiation of
the claims of Durets. In spite of the efforts of
the French party among the cardinals, Fabi o'keege, the Spanish candidate,
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was on April seventh elected Pope as Alexander the Seventh.
The new pope, who had taken part in the negotiations
leading to the Peace of Westphalia, had shown an almost
uniform hostility to France. Alexander at first appeared willing to
give fair consideration to the case of Durets, but he
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deferred appointing commissioners to consider the matter, and on June
second he gave Durets the Pallium, thus recognizing him as
Archbishop of Paris. Fortified by this support, Durets issued orders
to certain of the clergy in Paris and handed over
the administration of his diocese to tur ecclesiastics, one of
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whom Chasparin, who was in charge of the Madeline, by
his intrigues, stirred up opposition to Mazarin. He became this
center of a cabal with which the Parliament and all
enemies of the minister sympathized. Mazarin spoke in severe terms
of him. In a letter to Leon there Is. He
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said no greater Jansenist than that self styled Grand Vicar
of Durets. He does an extraordinary amount of harm, moves
heaven and earth to organize a cabal in Paris, and
carries out blindly every measure suggested to him by the
adherents of Deurets. Thus, at the opening of the campaign
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of sixteen fifty five against Spain, Mazarin found himself hampered
by Duretz's attempts to stir up sedition in Paris. It
was necessary once for all to crush the intriguing archbishop,
and Mazarin spared no trouble to ens sure the success
of Lyon's mission in Rome. The list of charges brought
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against Deurets was a heavy one. He had taken part
in the civil war against the King, he had intrigued
with his Spaniards and with Conde. He had striven to
stir up the nobles of Brittany, and after his late
flight to Nant, he had sent emissaries to engage in
plots in Paris. In a word, the archbishop was charged
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with having stirred up rebellion and sedition, and with being
an abandoned criminal. As he was also a Jansonist. It
was hoped he would receive little consideration from the Pope.
Alexander the seventh, was an enemy of the Jansonists, with
whom Mazarin had as little sympathy as he had with
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any of the works undertaken by the Poor Royalists, or
with the doctrine inculcated in the Augustinus. The support received
by Durets from the Jansonists, however, drew the attention of
the government to a struggle between the Jesuits and Jansonists,
which was mainly theological. Mazarin's ministry coincided with the period
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of religious fervor, which was indicated by the growth of monasteries,
by the lives of such men as Saint Vincent de Paul,
and by the foundation of Poor royal Of this foundation,
the Abbe de Saint Cyent was in sixteen thirty four
placed in charge, and he then closely associated it with
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the new tenants of Jansonism. In sixteen forty The Augustinus,
the great posthumous work of Cornelius Janssen, appeared, in which
he inculcated Saint Augustine's teaching on the doctrine of grace
and made an attempt to reform the Church. In sixteen
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fifty three, the influence of the Jesuits secured the condemnation
by Innocent the tenth of five propositions contained in the book.
Though the Jansenists were forced to yield to the papal authority,
numerous issues were raised by the Augustinus, which led to
long and bitter controversies. Mazarin, who was naturally inclined to toleration, had,
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by his moderation, allayed the fears of the Huguenot on
Richelia's death, with the result that they remained tranquil during
the Frond troubles. Though pressed to adopt a policy of persecution,
he hoped to be equally successful in bringing to a
peaceable close the agitation which had grown out of the
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Jansenist movement. In his policy of conciliation, he was ably
seconded by Arnauld don Diyi, one of the chiefs of
the Jansenist party, and for a time peace was assured.
But before law quarrels again burst forth. For the majority
of the Jansonists had not the moderation of Arnauld Dundee,
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it was only natural that the court should view with
suspicion the Janzonist movement. The princes in the Fraand Struggle
had shown a tendency toward Jansonism, and the Janzonists had
espoused the cause of durets. Thus, the Jansenists received no
support from the royal power and remained politically insignificant. But
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from a theological point of view they had an importance
which increased as time went on and led to a
long continued struggle in the next century over the bull unigenitus.
The Jansenists aimed, it has been said, at a conservative
restoration of the theology of the fourth century, and resisting
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the papal claims and dogma of an infallibility, fell back
on the authority of councils. Thus, while their political tendencies
were offensive to the court, their theological views brought them
into collision with the Jesuits and the papacy. The Jansonists
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held and defended the stern views of Jansen as to
the efficacy of grace and the inability of man to
attain to perfection, and the members of the poor royal
whose cloister life was remarkable for purity and simplicity, were
devotedly attached to Jansonist doctrines. In an evil moment for themselves,
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the Jesuits attacked the inmates of Poor Royal, and in
their defense Pascal in sixteen fifty six published his famous
Provincial Letters. Though unable to make any adequate reply to
Pascal's accusations, the Jesuits were sufficiently influential to secure their
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condemnation at Rome, and in sixteen sixty the Provincial Letters
were publicly burnt in Paris. In sixteen sixty and sixty one,
many schools which were controlled by Poor Royal were closed,
and throughout Louis the fourteenth reign, Jansonism was barely tolerated.
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At the close of his life, Louis fell under the
influence of the Jesuits, and Poor Royal was destroyed and
its inmates banished. Mazaron's ministry thus saw the beginning of
controversies which continued till the Revolution of seventeen eighty nine.
But it must be remembered that Mazarn refused to destroy
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Poor Royal and carry out a policy of extermination of
the Jansonists as was suggested to him. So strong, however,
was the feeling on the part of the leading churchmen
in favor of Orthodoxy that Mazarin showed no little wisdom
in making the charge of Jansonism one of the principal
points in his accusations against Durets. Father Dunno, a Jesuit,
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who was one of Mazarin's principal agents in Rome, had
represented to Alexander the Seventh the danger of allowing Durets,
who favored the Jansonists, to remain at the head of
the Paris Diocese. In July sixteen fifty five, the papal confessor,
Father Sforza Pallavicino, spoke freely to the Pope of the
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alliance between Deurets and the Jansonists. As not only Durets
but also many of his friends were Jansonists, Mazarin had
good reason for expecting that the Pope would at once
refuse to agree to the petition of the intriguing archbishop.
But Alexander believed that Durets had merely adopted Jansen's life
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for political purposes, and declared that though Durets might have
taken money from the Jansenists, he had preached against the
doctrines of Jansen. Leone had already been sent as a
special envoy to Rome, and he demanded that proceedings should
be taken against Deurets. After innumerable delays, Alexander appointed a
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commission to hear the charges against the Archbishop of Paris,
but the conditions attached to the papal brief made it
impossible for Mazarin to accept it. The Pope insisted that
the Parliament of Paris and the Assembly of the Clergy
should sanction the proposed agreements, which included the appointment of
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a suffragan in place of Durets, and Mazarin at once
refused to allow any organization in France to interfere with
the supreme power of the king. The absolute and despotic
power in France, he said, resided in the person of
the King alone, and no organization in the kingdom could
share it. In writing to the Queen, he declared that
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to negotiate with the Parlement where the Assembly of the
Clergy would be derogatory to the power of the King
and would reduce Louis to the position of a doge
of the Republic of France. Leon was recalled in sixteen
fifty six and the proceedings against Durets were dropped. Alexander, however,
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did little to aid the archbishop who eventually resigned his post,
while the Suffragan regarded himself as holding his office from
Louis the fourteenth. Durets received several abbeys, and in sixteen
sixty five visited Paris, where he was coldly received by
Louis the fourteenth. He was nevertheless employed on missions to Rome,
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and during his later years wrote his famous memoirs. Equally
drastic was Mazaron's treatment of Oa the Parliament of Paris,
and equally emphatic was his assertion of the royal authority.
Early in sixteen fifty five, as Lis de Justice had
registered an edict imposing taxes which were required for the war.
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Hearing that the Parlement on April thirteenth was prepared to
criticize the edict, Louis the fourteenth, who was then hunting
at Vancenne, hurried back to the Palais de Justice and
forbade the continuance of the discussion. He and Mazarin were
resolved that there should be no renewal of the Frond,
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and any attempt of the Parliament to adopt an independent
tone was at once checked. The campaign of sixteen fifty
five was successful. The important town of Lantracis was taken,
and Turin, advancing between the Chelt and the Sombre, compelled
the capitulation of the towns of Conde and Saint Guillen.
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Louis the fourteenth himself witnessed the success of his general,
and with him almost reached the famous stronghold of Monts.
In other ways, the year sixteen fifty five proved fortunate.
The Spaniards had arrested and imprisoned the adventurous Duke of
Lorraine at the beginning of sixteen fifty four. At the
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close of sixteen fifty five, the Lorraine army declared for
France in Catalonia and Italy. No events of importance took place,
but the events of the year had clearly demonstrated the
increasing power of France. In sixteen fifty three, Mazarin had
brought to an end the provincial Frond. In sixteen fifty four,
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the Spaniards had been driven from Champagne, and the Duke
of Lorraine had been won over by skillful diplomacy. In
sixteen fifty five, Turin had penetrated into Aino. It was
now necessary to retake the maritime towns of Gavelin Mardyke
and Dunkirk. The death of William, the second Prince of
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Orange in November sixteen fifty had destroyed all chance of
securing a Dutch alliance, and the cooperation of the Dutch
fleet and Mazarin had, as we have seen, turned his
attention to England. The action taken by Blake at the
time of the Spanish conquest of Dunkirk had been followed
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by Antony of Borteaux, being in December sixteen fifty two
formally accredited as the French envoy to the English government.
But the relations between France and England remained unsettled. English
merchantmen suffered from pirates fitted out in French seaports, and
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reprisals were frequent. The protection, too, given by France to
Charles Stewart was a constant source of irritation to the
English people, who were very, very suspicious of a government
at the head of which was a cardinal. In the
English Council, there was a strong party which desired war
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with France, and which found a lever to work upon
in Cromwell's Protestant sympathies and belief that the French Protestants
were continually persecuted. Cromwell was resolved to help the French
Protestants should they require assistance. The residents of the exiled
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Stuarts in France constituted, in his opinion, a danger to
the Protectorate, and it was suspected that when once Mazarin
had conquered Spain, he would aid in the restoration of
Charles Stuart and so bring England into subservience to France.
In January sixteen fifty four, Mazarin sent a special agent,
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the Baron de Bas, to assure Cromwell that if England
and France concluded an alliance, Charles Stewart should no longer
be allowed to remain in France. The situation was for
some time critical, and rarely had Mazarin's imperturbable temper, perseverance,
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and diplomatic skill been so tested. Lambert and the officers
clamored for a French war, and the Archduke Leopold authorized Cardinas,
the Spanish envoy, to offer the English government one hundred
and twenty thousand pounds a year. Mazarin, who had already
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authorized Boudeaux to recognize the Protectorate, instructed Bas to offer
the same amount and to point out that Spain was
unable to pay the proffered sum. The Dutch War being concluded,
an alliance with Spain was looked for in England. Cardinas
had now offered three hundred thousand pounds a year, and
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Cromwell had accepted the offer, though he agreed to accept
a hundred thousand pounds for the time being, the rest
to be paid later. But the government of the Low
Countries was unable to raise that money, and the relations
between England and Spain quickly became strained. England was bent
on an attack on the West Indies, and the relief
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of Arras by Turin in August sixteen fifty four demonstrated
to Cromwell that Spain was on the losing side. Mazarin
at the same time convinced him that the danger to
the Protestants was imaginary, and Cromwell at once began to
regard the expedition to the Spanish West Indies as an
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attack on the Pope and the Inquisition. Before, however, an
alliance between France and England was made. The massacre of
the Vaudois in January sixteen fifty five took place amid
circumstances of intense cruelty, the Duke of Sauvois expelled the
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Protestant Vaudois from their valleys. Cromwell's vigorous remonstrances and his
intimation that no treaty with France would be signed till
restitution had been made to the Vaudois quickened Mazarin's action.
The Duke of Savois was ordered to restore the privileges
of the Vaudois and to cause all persecution to cease.
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In August sixteen fifty five, Mazarin's tolerant policy was accepted
and acted upon by the Duke of Sauvois, while England's
position in Europe had been strengthened by Cromwell's successful intervention.
On November three, sixteen fifty five, the Treaty of Westminster
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between France and England was signed, and Spain's remaining chance
of success in her struggle with Louis the fourteenth disappeared.
By this treaty, the commerce relations between France and England
were regulated. Charles Stewart and his brother were to leave France,
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all acts of piracy were to cease, and various restrictions
of trade were removed. England at once declared war upon Spain,
and it was obvious that Philip the Fourth could not
hope to contend successfully against France, England and Portugal. Mazaron
had won a remarkable diplomatic triumph. His policy was similar
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to that employed at other periods of his career. He
decided on the goal which was to be reached, on
the object to be attained. But though his aims were
statesmen like and in full agreement with what Richelia would
have advocated, Mazarin's methods were peculiar to himself. Always ready
(37:54):
to negotiate and resolved to take no offense, he was
not infrequently placed in an undignified position in the pursuit
of what he desired. Mazarin too often cast aside dignity
humbold himself before his adversaries, though in the end he
(38:15):
carried his point. The difficulties in his negotiations with Cromwell
were immense, and the obstacles to an alliance innumerable. Mazarren, however,
steadily pursued his object. England did not make a Spanish alliance,
and France, though temporarily losing, Dunkirk, concluded the triumphant Peace
(38:38):
of the Pyrenees. After the Treaty of Westminster had been signed.
Leon was sent secretly to Spain to begin negotiations for peace,
but all chances of an immediate settlement were destroyed by
the unexpected successes won by Conde. In the campaign of
sixteen fifty six. Turin had besieged Valenciennes, which on July
(39:04):
fifteenth was relieved by Condet, a division of the French
army under the incapable La Fertes Centaire being almost annihilated.
The town of Coronde was taken from the French, who
were in danger of losing the advantages of the late campaigns.
Vigorous measures were required at home to lessen the existing
(39:25):
misery abroad to bring the war to a conclusion. In
January sixteen fifty six, the Parliament of Paris had protested
against the depreciation of the coinage and had been supported
by the Parliament of Toulouse and Crenobe. The parliament continued
its remonstrances and several of its members were banished. Eventually,
(39:51):
a compromise was arranged and peace was restored, but the
action of the parliament was only symptomatic of the general
feeling of unrest and the country where peasant risings were
becoming frequent. The disaster at Valenciennes and the unrest in
France combined to render Mazarin anxious to unite more closely
(40:13):
with England, and Cromwell, aware that Spain was about to
assist Charles Stewart, was equally ready to draw nearer France.
On March twenty eighth, sixteen fifty seven, an offensive and
defensive treaty was signed at Paris. The object of this
Treaty of Paris was to force Spain to make peace.
(40:36):
The two powers were to undertake the sieges of Govelin
and Dunkirk by sea and by land. At the same time,
Cromwell engaged to tolerate Roman Catholicism in all places in
Flanders which were handed over to England, and undertook to
keep possession of Dunkirk. Only. Such were the principal terms
(40:59):
of this famous treaty, which was fraught with far reaching
results for Europe, and which had such immediate and important
effects upon the course of the war between France and Spain.
The English alliance was one of the master strokes of
Mazarin's policy, and its wisdom was fully justified. End of
(41:23):
Chapter seven
Chapter seven of Mazarin by Arthur Hassel. This LibriVox recording
is in the public domain. Recording by Pamelinagami. The Spanish
War and the English Alliance sixteen forty eight to sixteen
(00:20):
fifty nine. The continuance of internal trouble in France and
the death in November sixteen fifty of William the second
Stadtholder of the United Provinces upset all Mazarin's schemes with
regard to Spain and England. The Peace of Munster, made
(00:43):
in January sixteen forty eight between the Dutch and the Spaniards,
had confounded his policy and frustrated all his hopes. But
though his plans had for the moment failed, he trusted,
by means of the influence of William the same second,
to induce the States General to cancel the peace. In
(01:05):
that event, he anticipated an early triumph over Spain and
an opportunity for interfering in England on behalf of the Stuarts.
It seemed that the time had come to strike a
blow against republican institutions and republican parties. For while a
republic had been established in England, the Republican Frond troubled France,
(01:30):
and William the Second's Republican opponents received encouragement from England.
The new Frond of the Princes was on the side
of Spain. In England, Spain was popular, while the United
Provinces had seceded from the French alliance and joined Spain.
(01:51):
Mazarin was therefore justified in considering the advisability of uniting
with William the second in us in attacking the Roman
Catholic Netherlands and in attempting the restoration of the Stuarts.
The Houses of Bourbon, Stuart and Orange would thus join
(02:12):
in opposition to the English Commonwealth, and a great blow
would be inflicted on Spain. William the Second's death on
November sixth, sixteen fifty, destroyed this scheme, and, like the
Dutch alliance with Spain in sixteen forty eight, came as
an overwhelming blow to Mazarin's hopes. In December sixteen fifty,
(02:37):
he had indeed, by the victory of Rotel, driven the
Spaniards out of Champagne, but his exile from France and
the general confusion which ensued rendered any effect of operations
against the Spaniards. In sixteen fifty one impossible. Moreover, Conde,
(02:58):
who was supreme in Paris during the greater part of
sixteen fifty one, entered into negotiations with Spain, and was
apparently prepared in order to secure his own position, to
make a definite alliance with Philip the Fourth. After the
king had attained his majority in September sixteen fifty one,
(03:22):
Conde plunged into civil war and had no hesitation in
accepting the aid of the Spaniards. The Archduke Leopold, without
any difficulty, retook fun and some other places, and in
sixteen fifty two his troops won many successes. It was
said by the Venetian minister that while former years had
(03:45):
been filled with constant victories for France, now every week
brought the news of some loss. No decisive battle was fought,
but the Spaniards gradually recaptured most of the place which
France had won at the expense of many lives and
much treasure in the earlier years of the war. In
(04:09):
May sixteen fifty two they attacked and took gravelin which
they had lost in sixteen forty four, and in August
Dunkirk was closely invested and a regular siege of the
place was begun. Recognizing the advantages accruing to Spain from
a continuance of the disorder in France, the Archduke had
(04:33):
decided not to send active help to Conde and his party,
trusting that they would be strong enough to hold their
own and continue the civil war. He therefore ordered Fuensaldana
not to attack Paris in concert with the Duke of
Lorraine in the summer of sixteen fifty two, but to
lead his army to Dunkirk. Though Mazarin had long been
(04:58):
aware of the danger which which threatened Dunkirk, he failed
to recognize the necessity of at once gaining the support
of Oliver Cromwell. As early as sixteen fifty he had
noted the importance of England and the necessity of conciliating
the English government, but it was not till later that
(05:20):
events forced him to realize the necessity of an alliance.
In June sixteen fifty one, one of his own secretaries
had been unable to enter Dunkirk owing to the presence
of some twelve or fifteen English ships which were watching
the town. Though too he was well aware that supplies
(05:43):
and reinforcements could only be introduced by a fleet. He
failed to recognize the strength of the anti French feeling
in England, and thus lost Dunkirk. The history of the
loss of this important place illustrates admirably the methods of
the Cardinal and the strength and weakness of his character.
(06:05):
In sixteen fifty one, he seems to have hoped to
secure the aid of either the Dutch or the English
fleet in order to save Dunkirk. Its governor Estrade, who
in June sixteen fifty one advised Mazarin to collect all
the troops then garrisoning towns in the north of France
(06:26):
and to attack Paris, was helpless. Dunkirk was besieged by
the Spaniards and apparently could not hold out beyond the
end of January sixteen fifty two. To save the place,
secret negotiations had indeed been opened with England and Holland,
with the latter power. The French negotiations were opened, probably
(06:50):
at the close of November sixteen fifty one, but owing
to the protests of the Spanish ambassador and to the
dislike of the states to a friends war, they had
been broken off. Meanwhile, Estrade had in all probability already
offered to admit an English garrison into the town. Cromwell,
(07:13):
with the assent of two members of the Council of State,
had before this sent secretly a Colonel Fitzjames to Dunkirk,
and the result of his mission was that Estrade seriously
considered the possibility of delivering the town to the English government.
In January sixteen fifty two, Fitzjames was again sent to
(07:36):
Dunkirk with definite overtures which Cromwell intended to be presented
to the French government. Estrade declared that the proposals of
Cromwell were laid before Mazarin at Angais. At any rate,
Mazarin was far from showing any anxiety to close the bargain.
(07:58):
He was busy fighting Conde and his partisans on the Loire,
and hoped that a decided success in that quarter would
render the acceptance of the English terms and the surrender
of Dunkirk unnecessary. In April sixteen fifty two, five thousand
English soldiers were assembled at Dover, ready to be conveyed
(08:19):
to Dunkirk, but Mazarren haggled and hesitated. He hoped that
he could preserve Dunkirk by means of a relieving fleet,
and that the English would not interfere with the French expedition.
As Louis the fourteenth government still persisted in refusing to
(08:40):
recognize the Commonwealth. Mazarin's hopes of English neutrality were destined
to be disappointed, and a severe penalty was exacted for
his failure to realize the true position of affairs. Mazarin
had indeed formed a plan, but none of the measures
take to relieve Dunkirk, or of any avail. God knows.
(09:04):
He wrote to Estrade the trouble that I have taken
during the last six months to send you help. There
was only one way to relieve Dunkirk, and Mazarin only
too late realized the vital importance to France of a
friendly understanding with England. The Duke of Vendome, the French admiral,
(09:24):
was ordered to bring a fleet from La Rochelle, and,
taking advantage of the temporary absence of Blake and the
English fleet, which was at that moment in pursuit of
some Dutch ships, to throw supplies and reinforcements into Dunkirk.
Ven Dome, however, found the execution of his task beset
(09:44):
with difficulties near the islands of Ree and Eulen. He
was attacked on August nineteenth by some Spanish ships and
by some vessels under the Count of Donnan, one of
Conde's supporters. Though victorious, Vendome had to put back into
La Rochelle to refit, and revictual delays occurred, and at
(10:09):
last it was decided to collect ships from Picardie and Normandy,
especially from Calais and Bologne, and with them to assist
the besieged garrison in Dunkirk. On September fourteenth, this hastily
equipped fleet, which numbered seven vessels and some fire ships,
(10:29):
set sail and was met by some Spanish ships under
the Marquis of Lead, who had surrendered Dunkirk to the
French in sixteen forty six. Before a battle could take place,
the English fleet of fifteen ships under Blake arrived and
captured all the French vessels except one, which escaped under
(10:51):
cover of the night. The following day, September sixteenth, Dunkirk
surrendered to the Spaniards. Mazarin's hesitation and ignorance of the
character of Cromwell and of the true position of affairs
in England had brought upon France a great disaster. He
(11:13):
had carried on his negotiations too long, fancying that by
waiting he could obtain English neutrality at a much lower price.
In April, he seems to have almost made up his
mind to hand over Dunkirk as the price of an
English alliance against Spain. Had he done so, France would
(11:34):
have gained enormously, and the treaty of sixteen fifty eight
with England would have been antedated by some five years.
But as yet he had not realized the tenacity of
Cromwell and of his counsel, and he hoped to gain
his ends at a cheap rate. As it was, he
(11:54):
overshot the mark, and the Italian diplomatist only learned after
bitter experiences that methods suitable for dealing with continental statesmen
were inadequate for treating with a man like Oliver Cromwell.
He had, however, learned his lesson, and in December sixteen
fifty two, the French government formally acknowledged the English Commonwealth.
(12:21):
Never was France in greater need of a powerful ally.
The year sixteen fifty two, which saw the fall of
Dunkirk to the great delight of Conde and his supporters,
who boasted that they were now masters of the sea,
saw also the loss of Cassale and Catalonia. The influence
(12:42):
of France in Italy suffered a severe blow, and the
Duke of Mantua, to whom was given the custody of Cassale,
became the ally of Spain. In sixteen twenty eight, Cassale
had been captured by Richelie, who also, before his death
had united Catalonia to the French crown. The loss of
(13:04):
that great province was immediately due to the rebellion of
Conde in sixteen fifty one and sixteen fifty two. Marson,
the governor, was a supporter of the prince, and on
the outbreak of the civil war, had left Catalonia to
aid in the revolt of Bucdeaux in sixteen fifty three.
It was Mazarin's duty to carry on the war with
(13:27):
vigor against Spain and to recover what had been lost
since sixteen forty eight. For these extensive operations, money was required,
and Mazarin continued to find Fouquet's services in this respect invaluable.
In December sixteen fifty four, Mazarin divided the functions of
(13:50):
the two superintendents. To surveillance was given the department of
expenditure to Fouquet that of receipts. In other words words,
to Fouquet was allotted the whole management of loans. This
division of functions was not made a moment too soon.
Freed from the trammels imposed on him by his colleague,
(14:13):
Fouquet proved equal to the demands made on him for
the Spanish War. Though the king had no credit, the
courteous Fouquet was regarded with confidence. He was known to
be wealthy, He was easy of access, his manner was conciliatory,
his financial abilities were undoubted. Men at once lent willingly
(14:38):
to Fouquet, and Fouquet lent to the king. In sixteen
fifty six, after the capture of Valenciennes, Fouquet provided nine
hundred thousand livre at the end of sixteen fifty seven
ten million more. Freed from immediate anxiety with regard to fund,
(15:00):
Mazarin could devote himself to the overthrow of Spain, the
recognition of the English Commonwealth, the dispersal of the discontented princes,
and the suppression of the rebellion in Guienne were valuable
preliminary steps toward the attainment of this object. In sixteen
fifty three, Turin defeated an attempt of Coronde to capture Paris,
(15:25):
and at the end of the year Sante Meneau was taken.
Though aided by her alliance with Coronde, Spain could not
resist the skill and energy of Turin. In June sixteen
fifty four, Aras was captured and an August Stennet was relieved.
The success of the French was complete. CONDEI and his
(15:49):
allies were driven to Brussels, and the northern frontier was secure. Meanwhile,
ar Cour, who at a critical moment had thrown up
his command in Guienne and had hoped to establish himself
as an independent prince in Alsace and Philipsburg, was compelled
through Mazarin's astuteness, to surrender his government, and the year
(16:12):
sixteen fifty four ended in brilliant fashion by the capture
of Caneois, Bans and Clermont. The tide of Spanish successes
had at last been checked, and Louis the fourteenth, who
had been crowned amid its circumstances of great solemnity on
June seventh, sixteen fifty four had been himself present with
(16:36):
the army besieging Stinnet. The relief of Arras was the
turning point in the history of the war. Arras had
always been regarded as one of the gems of the
Spanish monarchy, and its capture by France marked the beginning
of that revival of the French military power, which developed
with such amazing rapidity during the ensuing years of Louis
(17:00):
the fourteenth's reign. As if to counterbalance these successes, certain
events occurred about the same time which demonstrated the shifting
character of Italian politics and the necessity for firmness in
dealing with any attempt to revive the animosities of the
Frond period in Italy. A fresh effort at intervention on
(17:23):
the part of France ended in failure. The Duke of
Ghiese had led an expedition to Naples, which it was
expected would rise on the appearance of the French fleet,
but the Spaniards met him with a superior armament, and
Giese was compelled to return somewhat ignominiously to France. Equally
(17:44):
annoying to Mazarin was the escape from Vincenne of the
cardinal Durets. On the death of the Archbishop of Paris
in March sixteen fifty four, Durets had succeeded to his position,
but the the government would not recognize the coadjutor's claim
to the office. Before the end of the month, Durets,
(18:08):
in hopes of securing his release, resigned his archbishopric and
was transferred to the castle of Nantes, where he was
treated with leniency. His resignation was, however, not accepted by
Pope Innocent the Tenth, who hated Mazarin and was friendly
to Deurets, on whom he had previously bestowed a cardinal's hat.
(18:31):
On August eighth, that Worthy managed to escape to Spain
and at the same time sent to the government a
revocation of his resignation as archbishop. In November sixteen fifty four,
he arrived in Rome and was welcomed by the Pope.
On January seventh, sixteen fifty five, Innocent the Tenth died,
(18:54):
to the great joy of the Roman populace, and it
was at that moment that Lyon arrived at Rome with
special instructions from Mazarin to secure a papal repudiation of
the claims of Durets. In spite of the efforts of
the French party among the cardinals, Fabi o'keege, the Spanish candidate,
(19:15):
was on April seventh elected Pope as Alexander the Seventh.
The new pope, who had taken part in the negotiations
leading to the Peace of Westphalia, had shown an almost
uniform hostility to France. Alexander at first appeared willing to
give fair consideration to the case of Durets, but he
(19:38):
deferred appointing commissioners to consider the matter, and on June
second he gave Durets the Pallium, thus recognizing him as
Archbishop of Paris. Fortified by this support, Durets issued orders
to certain of the clergy in Paris and handed over
the administration of his diocese to tur ecclesiastics, one of
(20:01):
whom Chasparin, who was in charge of the Madeline, by
his intrigues, stirred up opposition to Mazarin. He became this
center of a cabal with which the Parliament and all
enemies of the minister sympathized. Mazarin spoke in severe terms
of him. In a letter to Leon there Is. He
(20:23):
said no greater Jansenist than that self styled Grand Vicar
of Durets. He does an extraordinary amount of harm, moves
heaven and earth to organize a cabal in Paris, and
carries out blindly every measure suggested to him by the
adherents of Deurets. Thus, at the opening of the campaign
(20:43):
of sixteen fifty five against Spain, Mazarin found himself hampered
by Duretz's attempts to stir up sedition in Paris. It
was necessary once for all to crush the intriguing archbishop,
and Mazarin spared no trouble to ens sure the success
of Lyon's mission in Rome. The list of charges brought
(21:05):
against Deurets was a heavy one. He had taken part
in the civil war against the King, he had intrigued
with his Spaniards and with Conde. He had striven to
stir up the nobles of Brittany, and after his late
flight to Nant, he had sent emissaries to engage in
plots in Paris. In a word, the archbishop was charged
(21:28):
with having stirred up rebellion and sedition, and with being
an abandoned criminal. As he was also a Jansonist. It
was hoped he would receive little consideration from the Pope.
Alexander the seventh, was an enemy of the Jansonists, with
whom Mazarin had as little sympathy as he had with
(21:49):
any of the works undertaken by the Poor Royalists, or
with the doctrine inculcated in the Augustinus. The support received
by Durets from the Jansonists, however, drew the attention of
the government to a struggle between the Jesuits and Jansonists,
which was mainly theological. Mazarin's ministry coincided with the period
(22:13):
of religious fervor, which was indicated by the growth of monasteries,
by the lives of such men as Saint Vincent de Paul,
and by the foundation of Poor royal Of this foundation,
the Abbe de Saint Cyent was in sixteen thirty four
placed in charge, and he then closely associated it with
(22:36):
the new tenants of Jansonism. In sixteen forty The Augustinus,
the great posthumous work of Cornelius Janssen, appeared, in which
he inculcated Saint Augustine's teaching on the doctrine of grace
and made an attempt to reform the Church. In sixteen
(22:56):
fifty three, the influence of the Jesuits secured the condemnation
by Innocent the tenth of five propositions contained in the book.
Though the Jansenists were forced to yield to the papal authority,
numerous issues were raised by the Augustinus, which led to
long and bitter controversies. Mazarin, who was naturally inclined to toleration, had,
(23:22):
by his moderation, allayed the fears of the Huguenot on
Richelia's death, with the result that they remained tranquil during
the Frond troubles. Though pressed to adopt a policy of persecution,
he hoped to be equally successful in bringing to a
peaceable close the agitation which had grown out of the
(23:44):
Jansenist movement. In his policy of conciliation, he was ably
seconded by Arnauld don Diyi, one of the chiefs of
the Jansenist party, and for a time peace was assured.
But before law quarrels again burst forth. For the majority
of the Jansonists had not the moderation of Arnauld Dundee,
(24:09):
it was only natural that the court should view with
suspicion the Janzonist movement. The princes in the Fraand Struggle
had shown a tendency toward Jansonism, and the Janzonists had
espoused the cause of durets. Thus, the Jansenists received no
support from the royal power and remained politically insignificant. But
(24:35):
from a theological point of view they had an importance
which increased as time went on and led to a
long continued struggle in the next century over the bull unigenitus.
The Jansenists aimed, it has been said, at a conservative
restoration of the theology of the fourth century, and resisting
(24:57):
the papal claims and dogma of an infallibility, fell back
on the authority of councils. Thus, while their political tendencies
were offensive to the court, their theological views brought them
into collision with the Jesuits and the papacy. The Jansonists
(25:18):
held and defended the stern views of Jansen as to
the efficacy of grace and the inability of man to
attain to perfection, and the members of the poor royal
whose cloister life was remarkable for purity and simplicity, were
devotedly attached to Jansonist doctrines. In an evil moment for themselves,
(25:41):
the Jesuits attacked the inmates of Poor Royal, and in
their defense Pascal in sixteen fifty six published his famous
Provincial Letters. Though unable to make any adequate reply to
Pascal's accusations, the Jesuits were sufficiently influential to secure their
(26:03):
condemnation at Rome, and in sixteen sixty the Provincial Letters
were publicly burnt in Paris. In sixteen sixty and sixty one,
many schools which were controlled by Poor Royal were closed,
and throughout Louis the fourteenth reign, Jansonism was barely tolerated.
(26:25):
At the close of his life, Louis fell under the
influence of the Jesuits, and Poor Royal was destroyed and
its inmates banished. Mazaron's ministry thus saw the beginning of
controversies which continued till the Revolution of seventeen eighty nine.
But it must be remembered that Mazarn refused to destroy
(26:46):
Poor Royal and carry out a policy of extermination of
the Jansonists as was suggested to him. So strong, however,
was the feeling on the part of the leading churchmen
in favor of Orthodoxy that Mazarin showed no little wisdom
in making the charge of Jansonism one of the principal
points in his accusations against Durets. Father Dunno, a Jesuit,
(27:13):
who was one of Mazarin's principal agents in Rome, had
represented to Alexander the Seventh the danger of allowing Durets,
who favored the Jansonists, to remain at the head of
the Paris Diocese. In July sixteen fifty five, the papal confessor,
Father Sforza Pallavicino, spoke freely to the Pope of the
(27:37):
alliance between Deurets and the Jansonists. As not only Durets
but also many of his friends were Jansonists, Mazarin had
good reason for expecting that the Pope would at once
refuse to agree to the petition of the intriguing archbishop.
But Alexander believed that Durets had merely adopted Jansen's life
(28:00):
for political purposes, and declared that though Durets might have
taken money from the Jansenists, he had preached against the
doctrines of Jansen. Leone had already been sent as a
special envoy to Rome, and he demanded that proceedings should
be taken against Deurets. After innumerable delays, Alexander appointed a
(28:22):
commission to hear the charges against the Archbishop of Paris,
but the conditions attached to the papal brief made it
impossible for Mazarin to accept it. The Pope insisted that
the Parliament of Paris and the Assembly of the Clergy
should sanction the proposed agreements, which included the appointment of
(28:42):
a suffragan in place of Durets, and Mazarin at once
refused to allow any organization in France to interfere with
the supreme power of the king. The absolute and despotic
power in France, he said, resided in the person of
the King alone, and no organization in the kingdom could
share it. In writing to the Queen, he declared that
(29:06):
to negotiate with the Parlement where the Assembly of the
Clergy would be derogatory to the power of the King
and would reduce Louis to the position of a doge
of the Republic of France. Leon was recalled in sixteen
fifty six and the proceedings against Durets were dropped. Alexander, however,
(29:27):
did little to aid the archbishop who eventually resigned his post,
while the Suffragan regarded himself as holding his office from
Louis the fourteenth. Durets received several abbeys, and in sixteen
sixty five visited Paris, where he was coldly received by
Louis the fourteenth. He was nevertheless employed on missions to Rome,
(29:51):
and during his later years wrote his famous memoirs. Equally
drastic was Mazaron's treatment of Oa the Parliament of Paris,
and equally emphatic was his assertion of the royal authority.
Early in sixteen fifty five, as Lis de Justice had
registered an edict imposing taxes which were required for the war.
(30:16):
Hearing that the Parlement on April thirteenth was prepared to
criticize the edict, Louis the fourteenth, who was then hunting
at Vancenne, hurried back to the Palais de Justice and
forbade the continuance of the discussion. He and Mazarin were
resolved that there should be no renewal of the Frond,
(30:37):
and any attempt of the Parliament to adopt an independent
tone was at once checked. The campaign of sixteen fifty
five was successful. The important town of Lantracis was taken,
and Turin, advancing between the Chelt and the Sombre, compelled
the capitulation of the towns of Conde and Saint Guillen.
(31:00):
Louis the fourteenth himself witnessed the success of his general,
and with him almost reached the famous stronghold of Monts.
In other ways, the year sixteen fifty five proved fortunate.
The Spaniards had arrested and imprisoned the adventurous Duke of
Lorraine at the beginning of sixteen fifty four. At the
(31:22):
close of sixteen fifty five, the Lorraine army declared for
France in Catalonia and Italy. No events of importance took place,
but the events of the year had clearly demonstrated the
increasing power of France. In sixteen fifty three, Mazarin had
brought to an end the provincial Frond. In sixteen fifty four,
(31:45):
the Spaniards had been driven from Champagne, and the Duke
of Lorraine had been won over by skillful diplomacy. In
sixteen fifty five, Turin had penetrated into Aino. It was
now necessary to retake the maritime towns of Gavelin Mardyke
and Dunkirk. The death of William, the second Prince of
(32:08):
Orange in November sixteen fifty had destroyed all chance of
securing a Dutch alliance, and the cooperation of the Dutch
fleet and Mazarin had, as we have seen, turned his
attention to England. The action taken by Blake at the
time of the Spanish conquest of Dunkirk had been followed
(32:28):
by Antony of Borteaux, being in December sixteen fifty two
formally accredited as the French envoy to the English government.
But the relations between France and England remained unsettled. English
merchantmen suffered from pirates fitted out in French seaports, and
(32:49):
reprisals were frequent. The protection, too, given by France to
Charles Stewart was a constant source of irritation to the
English people, who were very, very suspicious of a government
at the head of which was a cardinal. In the
English Council, there was a strong party which desired war
(33:09):
with France, and which found a lever to work upon
in Cromwell's Protestant sympathies and belief that the French Protestants
were continually persecuted. Cromwell was resolved to help the French
Protestants should they require assistance. The residents of the exiled
(33:29):
Stuarts in France constituted, in his opinion, a danger to
the Protectorate, and it was suspected that when once Mazarin
had conquered Spain, he would aid in the restoration of
Charles Stuart and so bring England into subservience to France.
In January sixteen fifty four, Mazarin sent a special agent,
(33:53):
the Baron de Bas, to assure Cromwell that if England
and France concluded an alliance, Charles Stewart should no longer
be allowed to remain in France. The situation was for
some time critical, and rarely had Mazarin's imperturbable temper, perseverance,
(34:14):
and diplomatic skill been so tested. Lambert and the officers
clamored for a French war, and the Archduke Leopold authorized Cardinas,
the Spanish envoy, to offer the English government one hundred
and twenty thousand pounds a year. Mazarin, who had already
(34:35):
authorized Boudeaux to recognize the Protectorate, instructed Bas to offer
the same amount and to point out that Spain was
unable to pay the proffered sum. The Dutch War being concluded,
an alliance with Spain was looked for in England. Cardinas
had now offered three hundred thousand pounds a year, and
(34:58):
Cromwell had accepted the offer, though he agreed to accept
a hundred thousand pounds for the time being, the rest
to be paid later. But the government of the Low
Countries was unable to raise that money, and the relations
between England and Spain quickly became strained. England was bent
on an attack on the West Indies, and the relief
(35:20):
of Arras by Turin in August sixteen fifty four demonstrated
to Cromwell that Spain was on the losing side. Mazarin
at the same time convinced him that the danger to
the Protestants was imaginary, and Cromwell at once began to
regard the expedition to the Spanish West Indies as an
(35:41):
attack on the Pope and the Inquisition. Before, however, an
alliance between France and England was made. The massacre of
the Vaudois in January sixteen fifty five took place amid
circumstances of intense cruelty, the Duke of Sauvois expelled the
(36:01):
Protestant Vaudois from their valleys. Cromwell's vigorous remonstrances and his
intimation that no treaty with France would be signed till
restitution had been made to the Vaudois quickened Mazarin's action.
The Duke of Savois was ordered to restore the privileges
of the Vaudois and to cause all persecution to cease.
(36:26):
In August sixteen fifty five, Mazarin's tolerant policy was accepted
and acted upon by the Duke of Sauvois, while England's
position in Europe had been strengthened by Cromwell's successful intervention.
On November three, sixteen fifty five, the Treaty of Westminster
(36:47):
between France and England was signed, and Spain's remaining chance
of success in her struggle with Louis the fourteenth disappeared.
By this treaty, the commerce relations between France and England
were regulated. Charles Stewart and his brother were to leave France,
(37:07):
all acts of piracy were to cease, and various restrictions
of trade were removed. England at once declared war upon Spain,
and it was obvious that Philip the Fourth could not
hope to contend successfully against France, England and Portugal. Mazaron
had won a remarkable diplomatic triumph. His policy was similar
(37:33):
to that employed at other periods of his career. He
decided on the goal which was to be reached, on
the object to be attained. But though his aims were
statesmen like and in full agreement with what Richelia would
have advocated, Mazarin's methods were peculiar to himself. Always ready
(37:54):
to negotiate and resolved to take no offense, he was
not infrequently placed in an undignified position in the pursuit
of what he desired. Mazarin too often cast aside dignity
humbold himself before his adversaries, though in the end he
(38:15):
carried his point. The difficulties in his negotiations with Cromwell
were immense, and the obstacles to an alliance innumerable. Mazarren, however,
steadily pursued his object. England did not make a Spanish alliance,
and France, though temporarily losing, Dunkirk, concluded the triumphant Peace
(38:38):
of the Pyrenees. After the Treaty of Westminster had been signed.
Leon was sent secretly to Spain to begin negotiations for peace,
but all chances of an immediate settlement were destroyed by
the unexpected successes won by Conde. In the campaign of
sixteen fifty six. Turin had besieged Valenciennes, which on July
(39:04):
fifteenth was relieved by Condet, a division of the French
army under the incapable La Fertes Centaire being almost annihilated.
The town of Coronde was taken from the French, who
were in danger of losing the advantages of the late campaigns.
Vigorous measures were required at home to lessen the existing
(39:25):
misery abroad to bring the war to a conclusion. In
January sixteen fifty six, the Parliament of Paris had protested
against the depreciation of the coinage and had been supported
by the Parliament of Toulouse and Crenobe. The parliament continued
its remonstrances and several of its members were banished. Eventually,
(39:51):
a compromise was arranged and peace was restored, but the
action of the parliament was only symptomatic of the general
feeling of unrest and the country where peasant risings were
becoming frequent. The disaster at Valenciennes and the unrest in
France combined to render Mazarin anxious to unite more closely
(40:13):
with England, and Cromwell, aware that Spain was about to
assist Charles Stewart, was equally ready to draw nearer France.
On March twenty eighth, sixteen fifty seven, an offensive and
defensive treaty was signed at Paris. The object of this
Treaty of Paris was to force Spain to make peace.
(40:36):
The two powers were to undertake the sieges of Govelin
and Dunkirk by sea and by land. At the same time,
Cromwell engaged to tolerate Roman Catholicism in all places in
Flanders which were handed over to England, and undertook to
keep possession of Dunkirk. Only. Such were the principal terms
(40:59):
of this famous treaty, which was fraught with far reaching
results for Europe, and which had such immediate and important
effects upon the course of the war between France and Spain.
The English alliance was one of the master strokes of
Mazarin's policy, and its wisdom was fully justified. End of
(41:23):
Chapter seven
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