April 21, 2024 • 24 mins
Buck Sexton breaks down the latest headlines with a fresh and honest perspective! He speaks truth to power, and cuts through the liberal nonsense coming from the mainstream media. Subscribe to never miss an episode of The Buck Sexton Show.
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Speaker 1 (00:11):
You're listening to the Buck Sexton Show podcast, let make
sure you subscribe to the podcast on the iHeartRadio app
or wherever you get your podcasts.
Speaker 2 (00:20):
Hey, everybody, Welcome to the Buck Brief, diving into national security,
the Middle East, Israel, Hamas, Iran and more with our
friend David iFun on this episode. He is the publisher
of the New York Son David. Always a pleasure, good
to see you.
Speaker 1 (00:34):
Likewise, Buck, thanks for having.
Speaker 2 (00:36):
Me first, if you would, would you put into context
for us? You know, last weekend there was this strike
of drones and missiles essentially all just swatted away by
Israel and its allies. What was your your what were
your biggest takeaways from from that and how do you
think it might affect things going forward?
Speaker 1 (00:59):
Well, I think the biggest takeaway is just for people
to understand that while Iran and its fellow travelers in
the region kind of talk a big game, it really
is outmatched when it comes to direct combat with the Israelis.
As we saw. You know, Israel has multiple tiers of
missile defense, so they have you know, the David Sling
(01:22):
is kind of the first layer. Then you have the
iron dumb, then you have the arrow, plus you have
patriot missile batteries. Obviously the participation of quite a few
allies in the region, including Arab states by the way,
that are see Iran equally as an adversary in the
way that that the Israelis do. Iran, on the other hand,
has no missile defenses whatsoever, and the Israelis have some
(01:45):
quite potent ballistic missiles as well, Jericho missiles, and they
could inflict a great deal of damage, which is why
up until now, Iran has taken the approach of working
through proxies and has sort of developed what it caused,
this ring of fire of many proxy states surrounding the
Jewish state with his ball on the south of Lebanon
(02:07):
and branches of his bowl in the south of Syria,
and then of course Hamas and Islamic Jihad and Gaza.
Obviously that reports lately that Iran is also working to
de stabilize Jordan, which is on another one of the borders,
and Huthi's and Yemen have seen missiles flying towards it
and towards Israel from the Red Sea angle. So it
(02:28):
was unusual, i would say, at least from my end,
to see the Iranians enter directly into conflict. Seemed like
they were trying to make a point, and I would
suspect that they were comfortable doing so because they were
confident on the outside that the international community, led by
the United States, would really lean on Israel into tempering
(02:48):
its response, which of course is exactly what we've seen
happen in the aftermath.
Speaker 2 (02:53):
Do you think that the IDF, or rather, do you
think that the Iranians knew the IDF would be able
to effectively swat away all of the salvo fired or
you know, so basically people have been saying, this is
what I'm trying to get out with you, David, that
this is Iran throwing effectively at a lethal tantrum. Yes,
(03:18):
an act of war. I mean, not to make it
sound like a minor thing it's not, but that this
was for the domestic political optics of we're not going
to just let our brothers in Gaza suffer while doing nothing.
So they do this, which doesn't really do anything other
than make Iran look like it's pretty militarily impotent. Is
that How do you view that assessment? I feel like
(03:38):
that was pretty common.
Speaker 1 (03:39):
You know, I don't think so there have been times
in the past when Iran has wanted to take that approach,
specifically not only because of the Israel, but regarding the
United States. I think their response to the targeted assassination
of customs so the money under the Trump administration was
an example. They telegraphed an advance the basis that they
(04:01):
were targeting in Irbil, in northern Iraq, Kurdis Kurdish Iraq,
and they deliberately missed their target by a significant margin.
So if that was the intention, I don't think they'd
have had to have had to throw quite quite the
barrage that that they had. I mean, they they they've
(04:22):
done that in the past, and it doesn't look like this.
Let's put it that way. When you when you send
sort of three hundred projectiles over, including some pretty advanced
missiles and different types of missiles and waves, what it
looks like to me is as if they're trying to
overwhelm Israeli air defenses, which means that their intention was
that some of these missiles would get through. And of
course some of them carry massive payloads, so you know,
(04:45):
you only need one or two to land to cause
you know, really significant damage. So I don't think it
was their intention just to sort of make a loud noise.
I think their intention was that some of these missiles
would hit their mark and it would draw as weel
into into a broader conflict. And they were surprised I
think by the potency of Israel's defenses, but also the
(05:07):
speed with which as well was able to mobilize. It's
a line in the region which which were actually crucial
into into preventing this baroja. I think without the United
States participation in some allies in the region, it would
have been hard for Israel to contain this this barranch
of this extent on on its own.
Speaker 2 (05:24):
Can you can you speak to that actually, because the
the network of alliances that Israel has, I mean, this
is a moment where you see who your allies really are, right,
I mean this, this is when it counts, when you
can count on somebody to shoot incoming missiles to your
territory down on your behalf or not right. And I
mean some of the countries that I saw involved in this,
for example the Jordanians, but others. There are other reports
(05:46):
that even other regional allies were you know, helping with
early warning on this, like who was involved in subverting
this strike by the Iranians on Israel.
Speaker 1 (06:00):
Well, certainly first and foremost the United States, but I
do believe, you know, intelligence from the Ammiratis and the
Saudis and others and the Jordanians prove played a pivotal role.
I mean, look, one of the most baffling, well, I
don't want to say baffling, but ine excusable positions that
the Biden administration has taken has been its approach towards Iran,
(06:23):
even more so than its approach towards Russia. It's kind
of battling the regime and its initiatives. It's meddling in
the region. It's belligerents in the region with one hand,
while also sustaining in fueling it with the other hand.
You know, we are fueling the fire and then wondering
why the hell it's hot. You know, that's really what's
(06:46):
going on here. I mean, the amount of funds that
the Biden administration has allowed to flow to the Iranians indirectly, yes,
but funds that the regime would not have had access
to otherwise. In the end of the day, there are
dozens and dozens of actors and allies in the region
very happy to see the Iranians gone and dealt with.
(07:09):
I mean, I posted this on Twitter around the time
of the strike that ending the regime in Tehran, regime
change in Tehran, or ending the Ayatola regime in Tehran
really is a war to end all Mid East wars.
I mean the effects that it has. It would strangle
the occupation in southern Lebanon and in the Syrian Golan.
(07:32):
It would obviously boost our allies like the Kurds and
others in northern Iraqi. You know, most of Iraq is
now also controlled by Iranian allies, both on the ground
and in politics. It would basically end the civil war
and Yemen. It would stabilize Jordan. It would bring safety
to the Red Sea shipping lanes, which of course is
an interest in many international community. It would weaken the Taliban,
(07:55):
who of course are major human rights violators and now
cultivating you know, god knows what terror basis and new
Al Qaeda training camps in Afghanistan. The Amtis, the Saudis
and Moroccans, the Egyptians, the Bahraini and most of all
the people of Iran. The people of Iran would all
(08:17):
welcome an initiative to remove this, to remove this regime.
I mean, you have millions of people in Iran who
would like to see Israel strike Iranian targets, IRGC targets,
Islamic regime targets who they see as their primary enemy. So,
you know, if you want to solve the issue, for
(08:39):
a long time, we've kind of just been dancing around it.
You know, a fight with Hamasa, fight with hasbella fight
with the who theser, you know, bombing, you know, some
of the hoothy capacity in Yemen to free up the
shipping lanes, or this or that or that, or this
attack boat or that attack boat. You know, it all
comes from Tehran. It all comes from the Islamic regime.
(09:00):
You solve that problem and you bring yourself one hundred
steps closer to peace in the Middle East.
Speaker 2 (09:06):
You mentioned Biden and his approach to Iran. I want
to dive into that, and also how things stand with
Israel and the American Jewish community as well. Given all
these dynamics. We'll get to that with David Ifoon of
the New York Sun here in a second. But you
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five gold. All right, David D. Biden administration at this point.
(10:38):
I mean, the relationship with net Niyahu. Can we speak
about that for a minute, because it seems to me
like Biden wants to have it both ways. He wants
to say I'm the great ally of Israel, like presidents
before me have been, at least some of them, but
also I'm going to dictate what you can do to
defend your own people in a moment of crisis, like
what's going on.
Speaker 1 (11:00):
Yeah, I mean, the first thing to keep in mind
is that, in truth, every single American president, with the
exception of Donald Trump, has tried to meddle in Israel's affairs,
not just Israel's affairs and lots of international affairs, but
in Israel's afairs. I mean, it was George Bush that
welcome and pressured Ariel Sharon to pull out of Gaza
in the third place in two thousand and five. I
(11:21):
was there when it happened. It was Condoleeza Rice that
insisted that Hamas be allowed to run in the two
thousand and seven elections that shortly followed in Gaza that
brought Hamas to power. So it is usual part for
the course that American administrations medal in Israel's business. I
think Trump, the Trump administration genuinely was the only administration
(11:42):
that said, listen, you guys know what your interests are,
so why don't you tell us what you think needs
to be done and will and will be supportive. That
was by far the anomaly. Certainly, the democratic administrations have
have leaned even further, even stronger. And you know, especially
a president like Joe Biden, who, at least in my understanding,
(12:05):
is not a person that is familiar with the concept
of principle. He's a he's a political animal, in in, in, in,
in the in the very worst connotations of correctly, he so,
you know, when when the world is sort of sympathetic
(12:25):
with Israel, so he'll say the right thing. If he
sees a political disadvantage in doing so, he'll turn in
a heartbeat. You know. He doesn't have any ideals that
he sticks to and that he'll stand by when they
go when they going, but gets tough and then he
sort of flips back. You know when when when when
the wind when the wind changes again, and I think
you know, sometimes you know, the end of the day,
(12:49):
the the the the thing to understand about the relationship
with Nyahu and the pressure that's being applied on Nahu
that both bide And and Chuck Schuman others in the
Democratic Party think they can play this clever game where
their opposition us He's execute executing now that it feels
are in its best interest for self defense. Can he
(13:10):
positioned as an opposition to Nittanyahu and his government and
his right wing government and some of the right wing
partners in his government. But the truth is that the
policies that the Israeli government is executing right now, our
policies are supported by an overwhelming majority of the Israeli
of the Israeli public, and it is a national unity
government formed together with one of benjaminia Who's staunchest opponents,
(13:35):
which is Benny Gantz. So this idea that it's all
about knit Nyahu is nonsense. He is executing on what
the Israeli people want and need and knows fundamental for
their security. And you know, this business of of sort
of positioning him is as crazy and out of lockstep
with the interests of the Israeli people. That's just not
(13:56):
in line with the reality, not even close.
Speaker 2 (13:58):
Just had to understand something that was in the headlines
right before October seventh, and how everything changed in Israel
and the Middle East over the last what's six seven months?
The court issue with net Yahoo and the Israeli Supreme
Court and the constitution is there. Can you give us
a sixty second version of what was going on there,
(14:20):
just because it's still Sometimes it gets talked about because
the storyline now is net Yahoo is on the ropes,
this court issue the constitution in Israel, and then October
seventh happens and they unite behind him in almost Churchilean fashion.
He steps up, you know what, well, what's the back.
Speaker 1 (14:37):
What was happening before? I would describe as democracy as usual.
You've got a contentious issue in the country, namely the
power that the Supreme Court has versus other branches of government.
It didn't start with Netniao, it didn't start with this government.
It's been an issue that's festering for ages and ages
and ages. In short, the main bullet point is that
(15:01):
the judge itself, you know, as opposed to be in
this country, the administration selects new Supreme Court justices, but
in Israel there is a panel that selects the new
Supreme Court justices, and the current Supreme Court justices have
the capacity to veto new Supreme Court justices. You know,
there needs to there's a minimum threshold that needs to
(15:22):
be met. So and they include three of the current
Supreme Court justices. So imagine a scenario like this where
the majority of the court is Republican or democratic, conservative
or liberal, and then any new appointment needs to be
approved by the majority. Right, So you're not going to have,
you know, an independent court. It's just going to stay
(15:43):
conservative or liberal forever. Right. So that's the scenario that
they've been dealing with in Israel for a long time.
It's basically a permanently liberal Supreme Court. And you know,
that's a normal debate in democracy as to whether you know,
it's too much power and other changes you're going you're
going to make to the power that the Supreme Court has.
I mean, there's an argument that you know, over here
you have three branches. In Israel, you don't have three branches.
(16:06):
The legislative and the executive are very much into twine.
So maybe you need a more powerful Supreme Court. But
this is part of the negotiation that's happening in democracy.
I think the majority of people in the country support
some changes and you know, the country was in the
process of figuring out what those changes are. So you know,
there were bills that were proposed, and then there was
a lot of pushback, and ultimately that's how democracy works.
(16:26):
If you're going to make laws that people don't agree with,
you'll get voted out and the next people will will
switch them back. So there was a lot of sort
of jumping up and down and screaming and shouting. But
I don't think it was it was anything unusual in
the sense that, you know, we have these debates in
this country all the time. As Winston Churchill famously said,
you know, democracy is the worst form of government besides
(16:49):
for all the others. It's a messy business, you know,
And that's what we were seeing play out in Israel.
It's a real democracy, representative democracy, and it's as messy
as a good or as a good, you know, functioning
democracy should be.
Speaker 2 (17:03):
I just got to say, we're speaking about messy democracies
and elections. We're gonna have to take a look at
the US situation here. And I want to ask if
you think that the Jewish vote in America in this
election cycle presidential and all the other contests could swing
more toward Republicans than in the past. But first up,
(17:24):
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by Shaking Analytics Dovid I would love to think that
the American Jewish community is going to recognize both the
(18:28):
place of really virulent anti Semitism on the left in America.
We really have a better understanding of it now after
October seventh, and see that the Democrat Party both gives
that some degree of safe harbor and can't be trusted
when the going gets a little tough politically to support Israel.
That may have an effect, but I worry that other issues,
(18:52):
or perhaps just the propaganda machinery will cloud things. What
do you what do you make of this?
Speaker 1 (18:57):
I think there's a few points to understand in terms
of the Jewish vote. I mean the first one is,
like all populations, the Jewish population is not monolithic. You know,
there are different segments to the community. It's the v
is mostly more orthodox versus secular. I guess, in the
same way as you have in you know, the wider electorate.
You know, typically more religious people tend to vote more
(19:19):
conservative and the more secular folks tend to vote more liberal.
So the Jewish community is divided in a similar way,
and you know demographically. What's interesting for people to understand
is that these two segments of the Jewish community are
headed in opposite directions. The liberal wing of the Jewish
community is in decline, significantly in decline, and the more
orthodox wing of the Jewish community is one of the
(19:41):
fastest growing Jewish populations or fastest growing populations in the
United States. The other thing to keep in mind is that,
you know, voting shifts in terms of demographic populations typically
take generations. You know you have, and you know, that's
certainly the case of the Jewish community as an immigrant community. Initially,
as an immigrant community, the Democratic Party was always seen
(20:02):
as more friendly to immigrants. And I think that's kind
of the assumption for Latinos and you know, other minority
groups that the Democratic Party is more friendly. But you know,
like with the Italians and other and Irish and other
immigrant groups, as they become more entrenched and as they
become more comfortable in the country and start to think
about other things, like you know, it's not just about foodstamps,
(20:22):
it's about private property, and wealth grows and their success grows,
you know, that's when you see voting patterns start to evolve.
So I think in that sense, when people think about
the Jewish vote or other population segments and how they vote.
You know, you want to think about it not from
election to election, but from generation to generation in terms
of how these patterns evolve. Having said that, I would
(20:45):
say that I think there's a significant misread in the
Democratic Party of where the Jewish population is, where the
Jewish public is. You know, certainly the events of October
seventh and there aftermath have left a lot of folks
in the Jewish community leaving a feeling very unsettled. And
(21:06):
you're seeing folks that typically would be on the more
liberals expressing a lot of concern. In fact, I don't
know if you saw this. It was kind of circulating
on the web the other day on Twitter, but there's
a rabbi called Amiel Hershoe's rabbi at a very famous
liberal synagogue in New York, the Stephen Whisse Synagogue. He
gave a lecture or a sermon on Saturday, you know,
(21:29):
at the Shabbad service, and he says to the Democrats,
he said, do not take American Jews for granted. Be careful.
These are his words. The result of the upcoming elections
do not only depend on Michigan, and there are quite
a few swing states where the Jewish population is much
larger than the margin of victory that Joe Biden had
last time. And those include Pennsylvania, where the Jewish population
(21:52):
outweighs the Muslim population by about four to one. That's
nineteen electoral points. Michigan is only ten electoral points. Obviously, Florida,
I don't know if you still consider it a swing state,
but the Jewish vote there is very significant. Arizona, You've
got about one hundred thousand Jews, Ohio about one hundred
thousand Jews, orderly about one hundred thousand Jews, you know,
(22:13):
so North Carolina, I don't think it's that many, but
you know, it's a significant population. So you know, they
can be a very significant factor in this election, and
I think the Democrats are misreading it. What are misreading
kind of where the Jewish community is at. But one
other point that I think is worth making is the
role of RFK might have on this point. The lowest
(22:35):
percentage of the Jewish vote that any Democratic candidate received
in the last one hundred years was in nineteen eighty
election where Jimmy Carter ran against Ronald Reagan. Carter received
and Carter was perceived as being quite unfriendly towards Israel.
He received only forty five percent of the Jewish vote.
Reagan received thirty nine percent of the Jewish vote. But
(22:56):
what a lot of people don't remember was that it
was actually a third party candidate called John Anderson who
was running at the time, and he received fifteen percent
of the descent of the national vote. So you may
have a similar scenario here where folks that are really
unhappy with Joe Biden but aren't quite ready to pull
(23:16):
the trigger for Trump are going to head in the
direction of RFK. And I actually interviewed him about it
about it last week. We had an exclusive story about
it for The Sun, and he, you know, he maintained
that this wasn't an electoral advantage of political advantage. He
was taking the position at support him of Israel on principle.
But I think, you know, I don't know how closely
(23:37):
he's looked at the Jewish vote, and obviously, you know,
there's a lot that you discover once people get into
the voting booths. I think there is a decent chance
that Biden will be surprised at how low his support
in the Jewish community is, and I don't know how
much it's going to go for Donald Trump if it's
going to be more than the typical thirty percent, maybe
slightly more, but I wouldn't be surprised if you have
(23:59):
a nice chunk of the Jewish vote that actually goes
for RFK.
Speaker 2 (24:02):
Well, I certainly hope before we let you go, dond
First off, Ewarts, go check out and read and subscribe
to the New York Song. They're doing great work over there.
David has entirely revived that August and storied publication. Are
you coffee Drinker?
Speaker 1 (24:16):
David?
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The America's drug, Coffee, America's drug.
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Absolutely, the one thing that I need every day is coffee.
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(25:02):
go to Crocket Coffee dot com. David, always a pleasure
to talk to you. My FAMI will talk soon.
Speaker 1 (25:07):
Likewise, take care of
You're listening to the Buck Sexton Show podcast, let make
sure you subscribe to the podcast on the iHeartRadio app
or wherever you get your podcasts.
Speaker 2 (00:20):
Hey, everybody, Welcome to the Buck Brief, diving into national security,
the Middle East, Israel, Hamas, Iran and more with our
friend David iFun on this episode. He is the publisher
of the New York Son David. Always a pleasure, good
to see you.
Speaker 1 (00:34):
Likewise, Buck, thanks for having.
Speaker 2 (00:36):
Me first, if you would, would you put into context
for us? You know, last weekend there was this strike
of drones and missiles essentially all just swatted away by
Israel and its allies. What was your your what were
your biggest takeaways from from that and how do you
think it might affect things going forward?
Speaker 1 (00:59):
Well, I think the biggest takeaway is just for people
to understand that while Iran and its fellow travelers in
the region kind of talk a big game, it really
is outmatched when it comes to direct combat with the Israelis.
As we saw. You know, Israel has multiple tiers of
missile defense, so they have you know, the David Sling
(01:22):
is kind of the first layer. Then you have the
iron dumb, then you have the arrow, plus you have
patriot missile batteries. Obviously the participation of quite a few
allies in the region, including Arab states by the way,
that are see Iran equally as an adversary in the
way that that the Israelis do. Iran, on the other hand,
has no missile defenses whatsoever, and the Israelis have some
(01:45):
quite potent ballistic missiles as well, Jericho missiles, and they
could inflict a great deal of damage, which is why
up until now, Iran has taken the approach of working
through proxies and has sort of developed what it caused,
this ring of fire of many proxy states surrounding the
Jewish state with his ball on the south of Lebanon
(02:07):
and branches of his bowl in the south of Syria,
and then of course Hamas and Islamic Jihad and Gaza.
Obviously that reports lately that Iran is also working to
de stabilize Jordan, which is on another one of the borders,
and Huthi's and Yemen have seen missiles flying towards it
and towards Israel from the Red Sea angle. So it
(02:28):
was unusual, i would say, at least from my end,
to see the Iranians enter directly into conflict. Seemed like
they were trying to make a point, and I would
suspect that they were comfortable doing so because they were
confident on the outside that the international community, led by
the United States, would really lean on Israel into tempering
(02:48):
its response, which of course is exactly what we've seen
happen in the aftermath.
Speaker 2 (02:53):
Do you think that the IDF, or rather, do you
think that the Iranians knew the IDF would be able
to effectively swat away all of the salvo fired or
you know, so basically people have been saying, this is
what I'm trying to get out with you, David, that
this is Iran throwing effectively at a lethal tantrum. Yes,
(03:18):
an act of war. I mean, not to make it
sound like a minor thing it's not, but that this
was for the domestic political optics of we're not going
to just let our brothers in Gaza suffer while doing nothing.
So they do this, which doesn't really do anything other
than make Iran look like it's pretty militarily impotent. Is
that How do you view that assessment? I feel like
(03:38):
that was pretty common.
Speaker 1 (03:39):
You know, I don't think so there have been times
in the past when Iran has wanted to take that approach,
specifically not only because of the Israel, but regarding the
United States. I think their response to the targeted assassination
of customs so the money under the Trump administration was
an example. They telegraphed an advance the basis that they
(04:01):
were targeting in Irbil, in northern Iraq, Kurdis Kurdish Iraq,
and they deliberately missed their target by a significant margin.
So if that was the intention, I don't think they'd
have had to have had to throw quite quite the
barrage that that they had. I mean, they they they've
(04:22):
done that in the past, and it doesn't look like this.
Let's put it that way. When you when you send
sort of three hundred projectiles over, including some pretty advanced
missiles and different types of missiles and waves, what it
looks like to me is as if they're trying to
overwhelm Israeli air defenses, which means that their intention was
that some of these missiles would get through. And of
course some of them carry massive payloads, so you know,
(04:45):
you only need one or two to land to cause
you know, really significant damage. So I don't think it
was their intention just to sort of make a loud noise.
I think their intention was that some of these missiles
would hit their mark and it would draw as weel
into into a broader conflict. And they were surprised I
think by the potency of Israel's defenses, but also the
(05:07):
speed with which as well was able to mobilize. It's
a line in the region which which were actually crucial
into into preventing this baroja. I think without the United
States participation in some allies in the region, it would
have been hard for Israel to contain this this barranch
of this extent on on its own.
Speaker 2 (05:24):
Can you can you speak to that actually, because the
the network of alliances that Israel has, I mean, this
is a moment where you see who your allies really are, right,
I mean this, this is when it counts, when you
can count on somebody to shoot incoming missiles to your
territory down on your behalf or not right. And I
mean some of the countries that I saw involved in this,
for example the Jordanians, but others. There are other reports
(05:46):
that even other regional allies were you know, helping with
early warning on this, like who was involved in subverting
this strike by the Iranians on Israel.
Speaker 1 (06:00):
Well, certainly first and foremost the United States, but I
do believe, you know, intelligence from the Ammiratis and the
Saudis and others and the Jordanians prove played a pivotal role.
I mean, look, one of the most baffling, well, I
don't want to say baffling, but ine excusable positions that
the Biden administration has taken has been its approach towards Iran,
(06:23):
even more so than its approach towards Russia. It's kind
of battling the regime and its initiatives. It's meddling in
the region. It's belligerents in the region with one hand,
while also sustaining in fueling it with the other hand.
You know, we are fueling the fire and then wondering
why the hell it's hot. You know, that's really what's
(06:46):
going on here. I mean, the amount of funds that
the Biden administration has allowed to flow to the Iranians indirectly, yes,
but funds that the regime would not have had access
to otherwise. In the end of the day, there are
dozens and dozens of actors and allies in the region
very happy to see the Iranians gone and dealt with.
(07:09):
I mean, I posted this on Twitter around the time
of the strike that ending the regime in Tehran, regime
change in Tehran, or ending the Ayatola regime in Tehran
really is a war to end all Mid East wars.
I mean the effects that it has. It would strangle
the occupation in southern Lebanon and in the Syrian Golan.
(07:32):
It would obviously boost our allies like the Kurds and
others in northern Iraqi. You know, most of Iraq is
now also controlled by Iranian allies, both on the ground
and in politics. It would basically end the civil war
and Yemen. It would stabilize Jordan. It would bring safety
to the Red Sea shipping lanes, which of course is
an interest in many international community. It would weaken the Taliban,
(07:55):
who of course are major human rights violators and now
cultivating you know, god knows what terror basis and new
Al Qaeda training camps in Afghanistan. The Amtis, the Saudis
and Moroccans, the Egyptians, the Bahraini and most of all
the people of Iran. The people of Iran would all
(08:17):
welcome an initiative to remove this, to remove this regime.
I mean, you have millions of people in Iran who
would like to see Israel strike Iranian targets, IRGC targets,
Islamic regime targets who they see as their primary enemy. So,
you know, if you want to solve the issue, for
(08:39):
a long time, we've kind of just been dancing around it.
You know, a fight with Hamasa, fight with hasbella fight
with the who theser, you know, bombing, you know, some
of the hoothy capacity in Yemen to free up the
shipping lanes, or this or that or that, or this
attack boat or that attack boat. You know, it all
comes from Tehran. It all comes from the Islamic regime.
(09:00):
You solve that problem and you bring yourself one hundred
steps closer to peace in the Middle East.
Speaker 2 (09:06):
You mentioned Biden and his approach to Iran. I want
to dive into that, and also how things stand with
Israel and the American Jewish community as well. Given all
these dynamics. We'll get to that with David Ifoon of
the New York Sun here in a second. But you
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eight three three nine nine five gold. That's eight three
three nine nine five gold eight three three nine nine
five gold. All right, David D. Biden administration at this point.
(10:38):
I mean, the relationship with net Niyahu. Can we speak
about that for a minute, because it seems to me
like Biden wants to have it both ways. He wants
to say I'm the great ally of Israel, like presidents
before me have been, at least some of them, but
also I'm going to dictate what you can do to
defend your own people in a moment of crisis, like
what's going on.
Speaker 1 (11:00):
Yeah, I mean, the first thing to keep in mind
is that, in truth, every single American president, with the
exception of Donald Trump, has tried to meddle in Israel's affairs,
not just Israel's affairs and lots of international affairs, but
in Israel's afairs. I mean, it was George Bush that
welcome and pressured Ariel Sharon to pull out of Gaza
in the third place in two thousand and five. I
(11:21):
was there when it happened. It was Condoleeza Rice that
insisted that Hamas be allowed to run in the two
thousand and seven elections that shortly followed in Gaza that
brought Hamas to power. So it is usual part for
the course that American administrations medal in Israel's business. I
think Trump, the Trump administration genuinely was the only administration
(11:42):
that said, listen, you guys know what your interests are,
so why don't you tell us what you think needs
to be done and will and will be supportive. That
was by far the anomaly. Certainly, the democratic administrations have
have leaned even further, even stronger. And you know, especially
a president like Joe Biden, who, at least in my understanding,
(12:05):
is not a person that is familiar with the concept
of principle. He's a he's a political animal, in in, in, in,
in the in the very worst connotations of correctly, he so,
you know, when when the world is sort of sympathetic
(12:25):
with Israel, so he'll say the right thing. If he
sees a political disadvantage in doing so, he'll turn in
a heartbeat. You know. He doesn't have any ideals that
he sticks to and that he'll stand by when they
go when they going, but gets tough and then he
sort of flips back. You know when when when when
the wind when the wind changes again, and I think
you know, sometimes you know, the end of the day,
(12:49):
the the the the thing to understand about the relationship
with Nyahu and the pressure that's being applied on Nahu
that both bide And and Chuck Schuman others in the
Democratic Party think they can play this clever game where
their opposition us He's execute executing now that it feels
are in its best interest for self defense. Can he
(13:10):
positioned as an opposition to Nittanyahu and his government and
his right wing government and some of the right wing
partners in his government. But the truth is that the
policies that the Israeli government is executing right now, our
policies are supported by an overwhelming majority of the Israeli
of the Israeli public, and it is a national unity
government formed together with one of benjaminia Who's staunchest opponents,
(13:35):
which is Benny Gantz. So this idea that it's all
about knit Nyahu is nonsense. He is executing on what
the Israeli people want and need and knows fundamental for
their security. And you know, this business of of sort
of positioning him is as crazy and out of lockstep
with the interests of the Israeli people. That's just not
(13:56):
in line with the reality, not even close.
Speaker 2 (13:58):
Just had to understand something that was in the headlines
right before October seventh, and how everything changed in Israel
and the Middle East over the last what's six seven months?
The court issue with net Yahoo and the Israeli Supreme
Court and the constitution is there. Can you give us
a sixty second version of what was going on there,
(14:20):
just because it's still Sometimes it gets talked about because
the storyline now is net Yahoo is on the ropes,
this court issue the constitution in Israel, and then October
seventh happens and they unite behind him in almost Churchilean fashion.
He steps up, you know what, well, what's the back.
Speaker 1 (14:37):
What was happening before? I would describe as democracy as usual.
You've got a contentious issue in the country, namely the
power that the Supreme Court has versus other branches of government.
It didn't start with Netniao, it didn't start with this government.
It's been an issue that's festering for ages and ages
and ages. In short, the main bullet point is that
(15:01):
the judge itself, you know, as opposed to be in
this country, the administration selects new Supreme Court justices, but
in Israel there is a panel that selects the new
Supreme Court justices, and the current Supreme Court justices have
the capacity to veto new Supreme Court justices. You know,
there needs to there's a minimum threshold that needs to
(15:22):
be met. So and they include three of the current
Supreme Court justices. So imagine a scenario like this where
the majority of the court is Republican or democratic, conservative
or liberal, and then any new appointment needs to be
approved by the majority. Right, So you're not going to have,
you know, an independent court. It's just going to stay
(15:43):
conservative or liberal forever. Right. So that's the scenario that
they've been dealing with in Israel for a long time.
It's basically a permanently liberal Supreme Court. And you know,
that's a normal debate in democracy as to whether you know,
it's too much power and other changes you're going you're
going to make to the power that the Supreme Court has.
I mean, there's an argument that you know, over here
you have three branches. In Israel, you don't have three branches.
(16:06):
The legislative and the executive are very much into twine.
So maybe you need a more powerful Supreme Court. But
this is part of the negotiation that's happening in democracy.
I think the majority of people in the country support
some changes and you know, the country was in the
process of figuring out what those changes are. So you know,
there were bills that were proposed, and then there was
a lot of pushback, and ultimately that's how democracy works.
(16:26):
If you're going to make laws that people don't agree with,
you'll get voted out and the next people will will
switch them back. So there was a lot of sort
of jumping up and down and screaming and shouting. But
I don't think it was it was anything unusual in
the sense that, you know, we have these debates in
this country all the time. As Winston Churchill famously said,
you know, democracy is the worst form of government besides
(16:49):
for all the others. It's a messy business, you know,
And that's what we were seeing play out in Israel.
It's a real democracy, representative democracy, and it's as messy
as a good or as a good, you know, functioning
democracy should be.
Speaker 2 (17:03):
I just got to say, we're speaking about messy democracies
and elections. We're gonna have to take a look at
the US situation here. And I want to ask if
you think that the Jewish vote in America in this
election cycle presidential and all the other contests could swing
more toward Republicans than in the past. But first up,
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by Shaking Analytics Dovid I would love to think that
the American Jewish community is going to recognize both the
(18:28):
place of really virulent anti Semitism on the left in America.
We really have a better understanding of it now after
October seventh, and see that the Democrat Party both gives
that some degree of safe harbor and can't be trusted
when the going gets a little tough politically to support Israel.
That may have an effect, but I worry that other issues,
(18:52):
or perhaps just the propaganda machinery will cloud things. What
do you what do you make of this?
Speaker 1 (18:57):
I think there's a few points to understand in terms
of the Jewish vote. I mean the first one is,
like all populations, the Jewish population is not monolithic. You know,
there are different segments to the community. It's the v
is mostly more orthodox versus secular. I guess, in the
same way as you have in you know, the wider electorate.
You know, typically more religious people tend to vote more
(19:19):
conservative and the more secular folks tend to vote more liberal.
So the Jewish community is divided in a similar way,
and you know demographically. What's interesting for people to understand
is that these two segments of the Jewish community are
headed in opposite directions. The liberal wing of the Jewish
community is in decline, significantly in decline, and the more
orthodox wing of the Jewish community is one of the
(19:41):
fastest growing Jewish populations or fastest growing populations in the
United States. The other thing to keep in mind is that,
you know, voting shifts in terms of demographic populations typically
take generations. You know you have, and you know, that's
certainly the case of the Jewish community as an immigrant community. Initially,
as an immigrant community, the Democratic Party was always seen
(20:02):
as more friendly to immigrants. And I think that's kind
of the assumption for Latinos and you know, other minority
groups that the Democratic Party is more friendly. But you know,
like with the Italians and other and Irish and other
immigrant groups, as they become more entrenched and as they
become more comfortable in the country and start to think
about other things, like you know, it's not just about foodstamps,
(20:22):
it's about private property, and wealth grows and their success grows,
you know, that's when you see voting patterns start to evolve.
So I think in that sense, when people think about
the Jewish vote or other population segments and how they vote.
You know, you want to think about it not from
election to election, but from generation to generation in terms
of how these patterns evolve. Having said that, I would
(20:45):
say that I think there's a significant misread in the
Democratic Party of where the Jewish population is, where the
Jewish public is. You know, certainly the events of October
seventh and there aftermath have left a lot of folks
in the Jewish community leaving a feeling very unsettled. And
(21:06):
you're seeing folks that typically would be on the more
liberals expressing a lot of concern. In fact, I don't
know if you saw this. It was kind of circulating
on the web the other day on Twitter, but there's
a rabbi called Amiel Hershoe's rabbi at a very famous
liberal synagogue in New York, the Stephen Whisse Synagogue. He
gave a lecture or a sermon on Saturday, you know,
(21:29):
at the Shabbad service, and he says to the Democrats,
he said, do not take American Jews for granted. Be careful.
These are his words. The result of the upcoming elections
do not only depend on Michigan, and there are quite
a few swing states where the Jewish population is much
larger than the margin of victory that Joe Biden had
last time. And those include Pennsylvania, where the Jewish population
(21:52):
outweighs the Muslim population by about four to one. That's
nineteen electoral points. Michigan is only ten electoral points. Obviously, Florida,
I don't know if you still consider it a swing state,
but the Jewish vote there is very significant. Arizona, You've
got about one hundred thousand Jews, Ohio about one hundred
thousand Jews, orderly about one hundred thousand Jews, you know,
(22:13):
so North Carolina, I don't think it's that many, but
you know, it's a significant population. So you know, they
can be a very significant factor in this election, and
I think the Democrats are misreading it. What are misreading
kind of where the Jewish community is at. But one
other point that I think is worth making is the
role of RFK might have on this point. The lowest
(22:35):
percentage of the Jewish vote that any Democratic candidate received
in the last one hundred years was in nineteen eighty
election where Jimmy Carter ran against Ronald Reagan. Carter received
and Carter was perceived as being quite unfriendly towards Israel.
He received only forty five percent of the Jewish vote.
Reagan received thirty nine percent of the Jewish vote. But
(22:56):
what a lot of people don't remember was that it
was actually a third party candidate called John Anderson who
was running at the time, and he received fifteen percent
of the descent of the national vote. So you may
have a similar scenario here where folks that are really
unhappy with Joe Biden but aren't quite ready to pull
(23:16):
the trigger for Trump are going to head in the
direction of RFK. And I actually interviewed him about it
about it last week. We had an exclusive story about
it for The Sun, and he, you know, he maintained
that this wasn't an electoral advantage of political advantage. He
was taking the position at support him of Israel on principle.
But I think, you know, I don't know how closely
(23:37):
he's looked at the Jewish vote, and obviously, you know,
there's a lot that you discover once people get into
the voting booths. I think there is a decent chance
that Biden will be surprised at how low his support
in the Jewish community is, and I don't know how
much it's going to go for Donald Trump if it's
going to be more than the typical thirty percent, maybe
slightly more, but I wouldn't be surprised if you have
(23:59):
a nice chunk of the Jewish vote that actually goes
for RFK.
Speaker 2 (24:02):
Well, I certainly hope before we let you go, dond
First off, Ewarts, go check out and read and subscribe
to the New York Song. They're doing great work over there.
David has entirely revived that August and storied publication. Are
you coffee Drinker?
Speaker 1 (24:16):
David?
Speaker 2 (24:18):
Yes, I'm go'n have to send you some Crockett Coffee,
my friend. This is a brand that Clay Travis, my
co host, and I have founded in the spirit of
Davy Crockett Frontier Adventurism, America, the Frontier Spirit Davy Crockett,
Crockett Coffee dot Com. I'm gonna send you some up
in New York so you can try it. Hopefully you
(24:38):
will find it.
Speaker 1 (24:39):
The America's drug, Coffee, America's drug.
Speaker 2 (24:42):
Absolutely, the one thing that I need every day is coffee.
I tell you, That's why I like Clay and I
are talking about, like what should we do? Well, we
definitely need coffee. Because we need it, so Crockett Coffee
dot com will send some up to David. I hope
you at home listening will subscribe. Do at least if
you would a sixty dollars order. Then you get free shipping,
which makes it very cost effective. And uh yeah, I
(25:02):
go to Crocket Coffee dot com. David, always a pleasure
to talk to you. My FAMI will talk soon.
Speaker 1 (25:07):
Likewise, take care of
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