The Forgotten History of Cuban Anarchism, Part 2 ft. Andrew

Andrew and Gare finish their discussion of Cuban anarchism in the 20th century.

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Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:02):
Zone Media.

Speaker 2 (00:05):
Welcome to Krappen Here, I'm Antresage of Future Channel Antrism.

Speaker 1 (00:09):
I'm again joined by Garrison.

Speaker 3 (00:12):
Say hello again, Hello again. See see what it did there?
Very very good, very original, and very funny.

Speaker 1 (00:18):
Fantastic.

Speaker 2 (00:21):
So last time we were discussing the forgotten history of
Cuban anarchism, I mean.

Speaker 1 (00:26):
Took you by surprise.

Speaker 2 (00:28):
It's you by surprise, and I think it's taken some
of the audience by surprise too. You know the fact
that from the very first Pronian Mutualist Society in eighteen
fifty seven, to the rise of the anarchist organizations, the
strike activities that the schools, to even the aneco naturists,
all of this was going on from the mid nineteenth

(00:50):
century all the way into the early twentieth century, even
in the height of repression in the nineteen tenths and
the cycle of US intervention as well.

Speaker 3 (01:01):
I guess what I'm kind of curious about in this
time period is like before like the Socialist Revolution, were
like the anarchists more prominent than some of like the
actual communists.

Speaker 1 (01:14):
For my research, it does seem so yes.

Speaker 3 (01:16):
Yeah, like that's that's kind of what it sounds like
they were kind of the main political block for like
almost seventy five years.

Speaker 1 (01:23):
Well things things do make a toon.

Speaker 3 (01:27):
Yeah, like the main the main political block on like
like the like the left specifically, I guess, like the
if you count anarchism as part of the left, which
I mean for the case of simplicity, let's say.

Speaker 1 (01:36):
Sure.

Speaker 2 (01:39):
I don't, yes, but listeningly, I wouldn't be caught dead
ad here and to like French political taxonomy, but.

Speaker 3 (01:47):
Totally me in terms of its relation to like labor,
especially especially by this time period of like, I know what.

Speaker 1 (01:52):
You mean, I just like being difficult.

Speaker 3 (01:54):
Sometimes absolutely, I mean, yeah, that is, I agree with
you in a lot of cases. But from my like
a historical standpoint, it kind of makes sense when like
all these almost all these people are like anarcho communists
or anical cynicalists.

Speaker 1 (02:07):
Or I mean you did have the anarcho naturists too.

Speaker 3 (02:09):
And the anarcho naturist. There you go, the three genders.

Speaker 1 (02:13):
And I mean secondly the mutualists as well.

Speaker 2 (02:15):
I mean, honestly, the divide, the stringent divide between the
anarchist schools of thought wouldn't really come into play until
we get into like the early twentieth century.

Speaker 3 (02:26):
So which we are entering right now, Yes, which.

Speaker 1 (02:29):
We have entered. So where do we leave off? We
left off on the big bang that was.

Speaker 2 (02:35):
The Russian Revolution. Remember I said that things will take
our turn. That is the turn the Russian wizard has
been killed.

Speaker 1 (02:41):
Sad.

Speaker 2 (02:42):
Indeed, I promise to discuss how the death of that
Russian wizard would impact Cuba going forward into the nineteen
twenties and beyond. So there we are acquistamos once again.
It's in fullst tanks to the work of Couin Ur Shaffer,
Stephen J. Hush, Lucien van der Walt, Sam Dolkoff, and

(03:04):
Frank Fernandez. So in nineteen twenty the anarchists formed a
Congress to advocate a series of immediate and transitory economic
measures to resolve the high cost of living brought about
by the decrease in sugar prices, because remember Quba's economy
was dependent on sugar and tobacco and coffee. They also

(03:25):
formed the anarchist letters the Confederaci Nacional de Tobajo or
a National Confederation of workers. Following the Bolshevik victory in Russia.
It took a minute for the world to find out
what happened to all the anarchists in Russia. I mean,
it was the nineteen twenties. They didn't have Twitter. But
in the meantime, the anarchists sent a fraternal salute to

(03:48):
the brothers who in Russia have established the USSR. Which
is interesting.

Speaker 3 (03:54):
That is interesting.

Speaker 1 (03:56):
Yes, it's like.

Speaker 3 (03:59):
Whole think men, it's exciting for the time though, right
Like you're seeing like this thing finally happen. You're like, oh,
we have like we have like a real chance.

Speaker 1 (04:07):
Yeah.

Speaker 2 (04:07):
Yeah, I mean I feel like it's like a two
panel meme, you know, it's like the victory before the Yeah,
very much. Yeah, yeah, I mean they knew that the anarchists.
But they did know, of course, was the anchist had
a visible and vital role in that revolution. Absolutely reality

(04:29):
that is unfortunately forgotten today but very well known back then.
So the rise of the Soviets, it seemed as though
the dream of three generations of struggles against the injustices
of capitalism of the state had reached its conclusion. Again,
they didn't know what happened to the anarchists and the Lenin,
yet their attitude of jubilation towards the success of the

(04:53):
Bolsheviks would of course change very shortly, but the anarchist
in Cuba still had some hope in unity, though despite
some debate amongst themselves about aligning with the Marxists in
Cuba see At the time, the anarchost Syndicalis movement was
leading the formation of labor organizations and federations with figures

(05:15):
like Alfaro Lopez and Antonio Penichet and well, they were
largely in favor of cross sectarian alliances and collaboration in
the promotion of alternative education projects, and after the Congress
of nineteen twenty, Cuba's workers pressed their demands with renewed
force in solidarity all together, leading too bombins and Havana

(05:37):
and another general strike on medi Figures like Penichet and
Salinas were jailed and a bomb was set off in
the Teatro Nacional in protest. Though initially condemned to death,
Penichet and Salinas were eventually pardoned and released. At the
beginning of nineteen twenty one, with the fall of Garcio

(05:57):
Mencalists government, this is when Fedrozias's moderate government came into power,
and this is when the Anacos syndicalists. Federacion Oprera de
la Habana or FOH or Workers Cleeration of Havana was founded.
The Workers Federation of Havana inaugurated its Rational School and
Library in nineteen twenty two, aiming to counter public and

(06:20):
private education emphasis on religion and patriotism. In nineteen twenty five,
the second congress So Nacional Obrero is celebrated in San
Fuegos and the Confederacio National Obrera de Cuba or National
Confederation of Human Workers or SCENOCH is founded by anachosyndicalists
in Camagway. The SCENOC was a big tent organization, so

(06:44):
although it was initially led by anachosyndicalists, there were reformists
and Marxist elements in there as well, and you'll see
the results of big tent organization very soon. Also in
nineteen twenty five, the Partido Communista Kubano or PCC was
founded in Havana, and in nineteen twenty five there was

(07:05):
a strike among railway and sugar workers which would provoke
government repression and the nineteen twenty five Gerardo Machado would
be elected to the office of Presidency. Now pay attention
to the PCC because they become relevant again later on.

Speaker 3 (07:22):
They're going to be a recurring character.

Speaker 1 (07:24):
Yes.

Speaker 2 (07:26):
So President Gerardo Machado's administration vowed to suppress worker militancy,
lead into another crackdown on foreigners and radicals, including the
anarchist schools, and marking another decline of the anarchist movement's influence.
But despite repression under the Machado dictatorship, anarchists continued to agitate,

(07:46):
with some fleeing into exile and overall refusing to cooperate
with the government. They founded militant groups such as Espartaco
and Losildarios and later the Federation the Federacion de Grupos
Anakistas de Cuba or FGSC. They engaged in street fighting
against the government and also in several field assassination attempts

(08:08):
against Machado. I don't know what it is with Cuban leaders,
but they seem to have trouble getting assassinated. So while
the anarchists and I would like to give them the
benefit of the doubt, presumably some Marxists were engaged in

(08:29):
such resistance. And I say presumably because I didn't they
were into focus of my research, but from what I
could see with the anarchists who were engaged in such resistance. Anyway,
that's tangential. The operatives of the Popular Socialist Party or
PSP chose to make compromises with the various dictatorial governments

(08:51):
in order to be allowed control of the labor unions
as well as some other peroks.

Speaker 3 (08:57):
Well, that doesn't sound like it could result in any problems.

Speaker 1 (09:01):
Yeah, so lock in here, okay. The PSP.

Speaker 2 (09:05):
Would later be absorbed by the Organizavolu Scenarios in Tigradas,
which would later become the Partido Unido de la Revolution
Socialista the Cuba, which would later be refounded as the
Partido Communista Kubano or PCC the Cuban Anarchists part cubas

(09:26):
the communist part of Cuba.

Speaker 3 (09:28):
There's like this weird loop happening here.

Speaker 2 (09:30):
Yes, yes, So the PSP would go on to become
part of the PCC, even though when they were initially founded,
the PSP and the PCC with separate organizations.

Speaker 3 (09:41):
Totally okay.

Speaker 2 (09:43):
So coming into the nineteen thirty Starting with nineteen thirty,
a streetcar strike led to a general strike back backed
by almost all of the unions. The strike feel unfortunately
due to a poor planet by the SCENOC, which had
come into the hands of the PCC. You see, with
the continuous deportation, exile and murder of anarchists by the

(10:06):
Machado government, the Marxists and the SCENOC, who had been
taken orders from the PCC the whole time, were told, Okay,
now it's your chance, take advantage the situation. The anarchists
out of the way, let's take over the SCENOC. So
in nineteen thirty three, another transportation strike breaks out in Havana,
which leads to another general strike and further violence, and

(10:27):
the PCC used their control over the SCENOC to make
a deal with Machado and the general strike, even though
they were not the ones that started it in the
first place.

Speaker 3 (10:40):
Making a deal to end a strike that they didn't
start indeed, very very cool stuff.

Speaker 1 (10:46):
Now they called this.

Speaker 2 (10:49):
Real politic power move the August Error, but to me,
that's way too soft considering what they did.

Speaker 1 (10:58):
You see, it wasn't a mayor whoopsie. You know.

Speaker 2 (11:01):
The PCC ordered the strike and workers to return to
their jobs, and they tried to work with Machado was
murderous secret police to make that happen.

Speaker 3 (11:10):
No, it's it's just like counterinsurgency.

Speaker 2 (11:19):
Thankfully, the PCC's attempt to sick my shadows dogs on
the strike and workers failed due to the resistance of
the anarchists of the Havana Federation of Labor and other
organized labor forces.

Speaker 3 (11:32):
It's funny, how like it's not the same things happen now,
I guess, but very similar things happen while you have
like these like big u above ground kind of orgs,
they'll try to make concessions with with like whether that's
like like police or with like whatever kind of institution
that people are like opposing. They'll have these these big
like you know, big groups try to try to make concessions,

(11:54):
and it's always left to the anarchists to be like, no,
we actually have to keep fighting. This actually doesn't this
sort of this this this sort of like attempts at
calling like victory or trying to end things actually is
not what you claim it to be. And we have
to keep going. And it is something that always falls
back on like some of the more anarchist aligned contingents

(12:17):
in popular struggles.

Speaker 2 (12:18):
Yeah, and I see why they why the old anarchists
get a bit jaded and crotchety, you know, because yeah,
you see these feelings happening again and again, Like why
you cheer in, you know, like you have not one
you know, this is not a victory. This is the
precursor to squad wipe, to like absolute defeat. You know, yeah,

(12:41):
game over. But unfortunately some people have to to learn,
it seems. Unfortunately until we speak more prominently of the
mistakes of the past, more honestly of the mistakes of
the past, instead of this sort of whitewashed Oh the
glorious revolutionary movements the past. Oh, you know, like wow,

(13:03):
so cool. Until we start to like engage honest without
history and like the mystiqus and whatnot, these things are
just going to continue to happen, you know. And that's
why I also appreciate, you know, the sort of honesty
that anarchists have, where they'd be willin to call I
mean not all you know, especially new anarchists tend to
be with more defensive, but and I appreciate the willness
to call out like what the CNT did in Spain

(13:27):
that was wrong, or what they black On in Ukraine
did that was wrong.

Speaker 3 (13:30):
You know, we don't have to follow along like the
party line.

Speaker 1 (13:34):
Sweeping, like you have to defend their honor.

Speaker 3 (13:37):
Yeah, exactly, we don't have to like follow along the
party line in the same way that all these other
groups seem to do. There is a much more open
consideration towards critiquing things that even you feel like you
can learn from and you feel like we're like like
struggles like struggles worth learning from and struggles worth fighting for.
But you don't have this the need to be like

(13:57):
you have to defend every single thing that X person did,
because it's like, I know, it gets it gets very
weird when you have these like nineteen year old communists
who are like, no, Stalin's good actually, which is a
whole other topic. But but yeah, even in like smaller

(14:19):
scale things, just the resistance to having to adhere to
the party line on a lot of a lot of
these topics when you just don't have a party so
it allows you to be way more open in your
consideration of what has worked what hasn't worked.

Speaker 1 (14:34):
Yeah, free association for the win.

Speaker 3 (14:36):
I don't have a funny ad pivot based on free association,
but here's some ads that you can freely listen to
if you desire. All right, we're back.

Speaker 2 (14:56):
So the very same month that the PCC tried and
failed to call off a strike that they never started
in the first place, Machado was forced from office by
a military coup backed by the US working with several
political factions, including the PCC. So the PCC was kind
of playing both sides. They were like, yeah, let's let's
work with Machado, and then that's also like help offer

(15:18):
through Machado a lot of stakes.

Speaker 1 (15:21):
Huh, very interesting.

Speaker 2 (15:24):
Yeah, So that coup along the nineteen thirty three revolution,
it was part of resulting from the opposition of the
human people to President Machado's attempts to keep himself in power,
with flames further fanned by the widespread misery caused by
the economic collapse of nineteen twenty nine. Anarchists were, of
course participants in the strikes and the revolutionary actions during

(15:44):
this time. Military forces and student activists were also very
much involved. So Carlos Manuel de Sispidres Iquesada came to
lead a provisional government, which led to the installation of
a new government led by a five man called known
as the Pentarchy of nineteen twenty three, but after only
five days. The pentarchy gave way to the presidency of

(16:06):
Ramon Grau San Martin, whose term became known as the
one hundred Days Government.

Speaker 1 (16:12):
For obvious reasons.

Speaker 2 (16:14):
It really only lasted about one hundred days because it
decided to defy the US and remove the Platter Amendment
from the Cuban constitution, and it also introduced the eight
hour workday and tried to intervene in the American owned
electrical and telephone utility companies. But before you celebrate that
government as a champion of the working people, it also

(16:35):
contributed to the suppression of the Cuban anarchist movement, which
had a significant foreign born labor base, with the introduction
of the fifty percent law, which forced owners to reserve
at least half their jobs for Cubans. That law prompted
many of the Spanish anarchists, remember they were a very
prominent part of the anarchist movement in Cuba. That prompted

(16:56):
them to return to Spain, where as you may know,
a civil war would kick off rather soon. So the
leader of the revolt against one hundred Days Government was
Sergeant Fulkeencio Battista, who became the head of the Armed
forces and began a long period of influence on human politics.
The summer of nineteen thirty three obviously marked the end

(17:18):
of the cooperative relationship between Cuban anarchists and communists, you know,
because of the whole PCC second matalist dogs and the
anarchists and all that.

Speaker 3 (17:29):
Yeah, I could see that being non conducive to a
working partnership.

Speaker 1 (17:32):
It's a toxic, toxic situation, you know. They had.

Speaker 2 (17:36):
They'll have to copearents the labor movement separately, anyway, say
a violence wi the rap between the two groups. The
Feracion de Groupos and Akistas de Cuba or FGAC published
a manifesto denouncing the traitorous actions of the PCC. In
collaboration with Manchado. In nineteen thirty five, the PCC exposed

(17:59):
its alignment for all to see. See after Bautista basically
told the PCC, yeah, don't call the general strike. After
the pieces he tried to call a general strike, the
PCC was like, Okay, we won't call a general strike.
And then the PCC adopted Moscow's popular front line and
basically aligned themselves with Batista. And what's interesting is, you see,

(18:22):
but what Bosista desperately needed to secure his legitimacy was
an electoral base. Basically, he needed a large group of
people to say, yeah, we back his leadership.

Speaker 3 (18:34):
Sure, he needed some form of like legitimacy.

Speaker 2 (18:37):
Exactly, And so the PCC, in aligning themselves with Batista,
they created that electoral base for his growing sectorial ambitions.
You see, he started off as a president before he
became like a full on dictator.

Speaker 3 (18:53):
Many such cases, many such cases.

Speaker 2 (18:56):
And the one of the historians I was telling you about,
Fernando Fernandez, he wrote that the PCC actually offered Batista
a deal, put in all of the machinery of Cuban
and international communism at his service, and it promised to
deliver votes in the coming elections, which Batista badly needed.

Speaker 1 (19:17):
In exchange, the.

Speaker 2 (19:18):
PCC was to be given the recently government created confederacadories
to Cuba, the CTC, the Cuban Confederation of Workers, and
the CTC was basically meant to be the largest most
centralized leab organization in Cuba, one that would combine all
of the existing factions.

Speaker 3 (19:36):
Okay that yeah, yeah yeah.

Speaker 2 (19:38):
And unlike the previous umbrella organization, which as you may remember,
was the SCENOC. The CTC was meant to be ideological.
It was meant to marry Unionism to the state. It
was meant to be under the control of Batista through
the PCC from the very beginning. You know, the scenock
started off being led by anarchos syndiclus, but it was
big ten so it was like, you know, bringing all

(20:00):
the ideologies. But no, the CTC is like, yeah.

Speaker 3 (20:03):
We are explicitly stayed aligned.

Speaker 1 (20:05):
Yeah.

Speaker 2 (20:06):
Meanwhile, you know, in nineteen thirty six, the Spanish Civil
War would erupt, and you know, the Cuban anarchists who
when solidarity with the Spanish anarchists would establish the Solidary
Dad Internacional Anti Anti FASCISTI to aid them, and some
of them even went to Spain to participate. But by
nineteen thirty nine, with the defeat of the Spanish Republic,
surviving Cuban anarchists returned to the island.

Speaker 3 (20:31):
In the nineteen forties, It's interesting because when they returned,
they also returned with a lot more like experience as well. Indeed,
I wonder if that will lead to anything.

Speaker 1 (20:44):
We'll see.

Speaker 2 (20:44):
Curious, So in the nineteen forties, over one hundred delegates
met at the Mortazo ranch to establish the Associacion Libertaria
the Cuba or ALC. Since the Stalinist domin CTC had
purged anarchists and other militant labor activists, the ALC was

(21:06):
formed to challenge state control and Stalinist influence within the
labor movement. The ALC held a congress attended by one
hundred and fifty five delegates in nineteen forty eight, and
in that congress they discussed the creation of a libertarian
society in Cuba, and they established the Solidary Dad Gastronomica,
which was a publication meant to serve as their official organ.

(21:28):
Carlos Prio Socaras assumed the QAN presidency in nineteen forty
eight following the presidency of Ramon Grau San Martin, because
he actually got another chance to be president after one
hundred day's government, and then you had a few filler
presidents after that, and then you had Batista's run as president.
But anyway, so Priyo becomes president and the anarchists try

(21:51):
and fail to create a new labor confederation. The Confederaci
General the Tagories was CGT, and it was meant to
be in the pendant of the CTC. Unfortunately, thanks to
reformist elements, the Styalists and the government, it suffered under
an extensive propaganda campaign against the initiative in both the
Cuban communications media and in the officially approved unions. But

(22:16):
despite everything, the anarchists were enduring on the grassroots level,
and they were anarchist militants scattered everywhere and anarchist propagandists
in every provincial capital. By the way, it is interesting
that the Styalists would gleefully purge the anarchists to appease
their own phase for power earlier in the decade, considering

(22:36):
that they themselves would be expelled from their posts in
the CTC by the government. Under us pressure, PreO declared
the PSP illegal, motivating the Styalists to eye themselves yet
again with their old body all pile Fulgencio Batista. In
nineteen fifty, the ALC would hold another congress, a meant

(22:58):
to reorganize the Qban union movements against its control by bureaucrats, politicians,
cults and religionists. The Congress repudiated the CTC and dedicated
itself to maintain the CGT's struggle in spite of President
Prio's repression. In nineteen fifty two, Batista took power in
a coup, and the LC joined other revolutionary groups in

(23:20):
armed resistance to the dictatorship in the cities and the countryside.
Despite facing imprisonment, torture, and kidnapping, they challenged Batista's rule
through propaganda, distribution, Klandestine activities, and coordinated sabotage efforts.

Speaker 1 (23:35):
They even worked with groups like the Directorio.

Speaker 2 (23:37):
Revoluse Scenario, the Federation of University Students, and elements within
Casturist group the m twenty sixth J. The Antony sixth J,
by the way, despite taking credit for everything, had little
to no involvement in many of the uprisings that took
place in this period. They tried at one point to
call a general strike, but it was badly organized and

(23:59):
uncorrenated with other revolutionary groups, so you know, of course
it failed. Meanwhile, the ALC's meeting whole not only distributed
information and coordinated sabotage efforts, but even taught some of
Castro's fighters how to shoot firearms.

Speaker 3 (24:13):
Sure yeah, yeah, yeah yeah.

Speaker 2 (24:16):
By disempathety First nineteen fifty eight. Also, it's very sad
that they would teach some of Castro's fighters how to
shoot firearms. Considering you know the direction those firearms we
shoot an end very soon.

Speaker 3 (24:28):
Yes, that is tragically ironic.

Speaker 2 (24:32):
Yeah, so disympathy First. Nineteen fifty eight, Batista flees Cuba,
marking the end of his regime and the beginning of
a new era. As Castro's Revolutionary government gain power, tensions
would rise as he consolidated control and marginalized dissent in voices.
Any hope anarchists had for social change following nineteen fifty
nine would be crushed by the increase in centralization, bureaucraticization

(24:55):
of the government, further purges of anarchists from the CTC, which,
by the way, they renamed the CTC R as in
CTC Revolutionary and they also militarized, and they also militarized it.
You know, if they forced a bunch of the workers
to create militias, and you know, with Castro's public alignment

(25:17):
with Marxism Leninism, the suppression the revolutionary tribunals, and the
exile of anarchists and other dissidents. In January nineteen sixty,
the ALC held an assembly and expressed support for the
Cuban Revolution while rejecting dictatorship everywhere.

Speaker 1 (25:33):
By the end of the year, they would.

Speaker 2 (25:34):
Published the final issue of their publication, So Darry Dad Gatuonomica.
The LC fell under government pressure, and unlike previous Cuban governments,
Castro's regime was extra blood thirsty with the working class
and peasant dissenters. That same year, the group of the
Sindecalistas Libertarios is suited document criticizing the Cuban government's direction

(25:59):
and the increase in totalitarianism. They had to change their
name to avoid reprisals as a pecc's organ OI responded
to the group o the Sinecalistas the Batario's document with
insults and accusations. That same year, the movie Me and
Diaccion Syndical began circulating a bulletin critical of the PCC

(26:22):
and Castro. They too, would be suppressed. After the failed
Bay of Pigs invasion in nineteen sixty one, Castro's government
intensified its suppression of opposition, including anarchists. The anarchists movement
also bore a terrible betrayal as Manuel Guiona Sussa, a
prominent anarchist, betrayed his comrades by endorsing the cashier regime

(26:45):
and denouncing the anarchists who opposed it. Some anarchist would
end up in prison somewhat fled to Florida, where they
would unfortunately be grouped to the Batista supporters who had
also fled to Florida at that time, and an international
solidarity effort merged with donations from various anarchist groups worldwide
to aid the Cuban anarchists escape. The anarchists that fled

(27:16):
to Cure formed the Movimiento Libertario Cubano in Exilio, the
mcl or Cuban Anarchist movement in exile, and continue to
advocate for anarchist principles to publications like Guangara Libertaria. The
New York based Libertarian League, led by figures like Sam Dorgoff,
provided critical support to these exiles.

Speaker 1 (27:38):
But what really.

Speaker 2 (27:39):
Sucks the Cuban anarchists had to struggle to garner support
from their fellow anarchists around the world. Thanks to the
propaganda efforts to the Castro regime, the Cuban anarchists was
made as CIA agents, which is Umi recall, still a
favorite tactic of campus authoritarians.

Speaker 3 (27:58):
Interesting and yeah, interesting to see how it's literally the same.

Speaker 1 (28:02):
Yeah.

Speaker 2 (28:03):
In fact, one anarchist group in South America, the Federacion
Anarchista Uruguaya, even split between pro and anti Castro factions.
The procast Room majority went on to join the Marxist
Lendinist Supermaros in I Uruguay. Eventually the Federrazion Anarchica Italiana.

(28:24):
The FAIT, organized a conference in Bologna in nineteen sixty
five to address the confusion among anarchists globally regard and Cuba.
They came out of that conference condemning casteurism and express
in support for Cuban anarchists. But despite the efforts of
Abelardo Iglesias to present the Cuban anarchist's viewpoint, many anarchist

(28:46):
groups in Europe and Latin Americas still aligned with casteurism
view and criticism of the regime as opposition to the
broader socialist revolution. But despite the skepticism of their payers
and the refusal of some anarchist publications to even hear
them out, the Cuban anarchists continued. The activists of an exile,
they published works to announce in the Cashier regime and

(29:07):
sought to clarify their position within the global anarchist movement.
Back in Cuba, the remaining anarchists windled in size, as
most had either left or rotten in prison. In the
seventies and beyond, the Cuban anarchists faced isolation and defamation.
They still accused this day of being in service of reaction.

(29:29):
It's only with Sam Dolkov's book The Cuban Revolution and
a Critical Perspective in nineteen seventy six that attitudes began
to shift, lead into a gradual reassessment of the MLCE
within the anarchist community. In nineteen seventy nine, the MLSE
renewed ties with the Anarchist Confederacio National Tajo Sash Association
Interracial Rosadores the CNTIT during to congress in Madrid. Subsequent

(29:54):
publications and articles further clarified the mlce's position and cashrourism
mark in the end of a long and damaging chapter
of derision against them. In nineteen eighty, Guangara Libertaria emerged
as a new platform for Cuban anarchists in exile, Initially
cautious in its advocacy due to the hostile political climate

(30:18):
in Miami. Guangara gradually became more explicitly anarchist and critical
of both Castros regime and the reactionary exile community. It
played a significant role in challenging pro Castro narratives and
fostering international solidarity among anarchists.

Speaker 1 (30:35):
As of recently as in twenty first century.

Speaker 2 (30:38):
The Taire Libertario Alfredro Lopez or Alfredo Lopez Libertarian Workshop
has published a few pieces on anarchism in the Cuban context.
They even took part in the creation of the Central
American and Caribbean Anarchist Federation, and before anyone asks, I
haven't found a way to get in contact with them yet.
The recently centralized protests in Cuba spa a deluge of

(31:01):
conflicting narratives from various sources. We're on one side, Qan
authorities and leftist supporters defended the regime, blaming the economic
crisis and health challenges on the US blockade while treating
Cuban critics with one broad reactionary brush. On the other hand,
we had the right wing media criticizing the lack of
freedoms under the communist government. While amidst this, anarchists sought

(31:23):
a deeper understanding, seeking neither alignment with the US nor
the Quban government, but seeking understanding of the needs of
the people frustrated by the pandemic and the failures of
the government. The condition that Cuba's in now obviously is
due to the impact of the US's blockade, which should
be lifted immediately, but it shouldn't be missed that the

(31:44):
government uses the blockade to divert attention from other matters
where it does deserve significant critique. Emergency measures were eventually
implemented appease the protesters, but it remains to be seen
what the outcome of that frustration of the people will
be in the long term. As Francisco Finnandez wrote in
Cuban Anarchism, The History of a Movement, hopefully they are

(32:08):
those in this generation who will take up the legacy
of their forebearers, so that the roots of anarchism that
are now buried in the futile Cuban soil will once
again spring to life. Anyway, this has been the forgotten
history of anarchism in Cuba. This has been it could
happen here, and this has been Andrew's h all power

(32:28):
to all the people peace.

Speaker 3 (32:36):
It could Happen Here as a production of cool Zone Media.
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