April 30, 2024 • 35 mins
Today's special guest is Anthony Coley, on-air contributor at NBC, CNBC, and MSNBC where he provides independent analysis on the leading political, legal, and economic issues of the day.
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Episode Transcript
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
As a trusted advisor to cabinet secretaries, CEOs, and other
prominent leaders, Anthony Coley has shaped public opinion and communications
on some of our nation's most significant debates and challenges.
During the first two years of the Biden administration, he
led public affairs at the US Department of Justice and
served as Attorney General Merrick Garland's chief spokesman. He also
(00:21):
oversaw national media relations for the Justice Department's litigating divisions,
law enforcement components, and U S Attorney Officers, among others.
At the end of Anthony's tenure, Attorney General Garland presented
him with the Edmund J. Randolph Award, the Justice Department's
highest honor. He has also worked on the communication staff
of two presidential campaigns, gor Lieberman in two thousand and
(00:43):
Kerry Edwards in two thousand and four. Currently, Anthony is
an hon air contributor at NBC News, CNBC and MSNBC,
providing independent analysis of leading political, legal, and economic issues
Through his public affairs firm corner office strategies. He provides
senior level council to decision makers and organizers facing high
profile moments or critical public affairs challenges, and he is
(01:07):
our guest today. This is the Black Information Network Daily Podcast.
Now I'm your host, ramses Jab. Okay, so Anthony Coley,
welcome to the show. This has been a long time
coming and I'm really excited to have this conversation with you. Now,
before we get into kind of the broader questions, we
(01:29):
painted a little bit of a picture for you in
our introduction, but we always start our stories here at
the beginning so that we can kind of introduce you
to our listeners. Do us a favor, talk a little
bit about your background, a little bit about a little
bit about your upbringing and what led you to today's conversation.
Speaker 2 (01:48):
So. I grew up a small town, North Carolina, one
stop by town, twenty two people, eastern North Carolina. That's
pretty small, right, grew up there mostly by my mom.
I ended up going to Morehouse business major. At Morehouse,
my heart led me into politics. But by the time
(02:08):
I realized that I was, I was into my third
year and I just needed to get my degree, right,
So I didn't need to I wasn't going to do
to change the major thing. Right. So, you know, you
have a set period of time you're going to go
to school, you're going to finish, but I went to
Morehouse that changed my life. Man. I found a group
(02:30):
of guys there that became my lifelong friends. And I
did a couple internships that kind of nurtured this idea
of public service that I had. My first internship was
with a woman. Her name was Eva Clayton. She was
the first black woman to represent the state of North
Carolina in Congress ever. And I was a Congressional Black
(02:55):
Caucuss Foundation intern. This was the summer of ninety seven,
and then the next year I went back to Washington
and became a White House intern. And the summer of
ninety eight was interesting because that was the summer of
impeachment summer. Do you remember that with Lewinsky all of
that situation, And so I was I was completely addicted
(03:18):
to politics. And then I worked in the I was
an intern in al Gors West Wing office, and I
got connected from there to the Gore campaign. And fast
forward to two thousand, I did the Gore campaign, the recount,
and then twenty four years later, I'm still still in
Washington doing politics. I worked for all sides of the
(03:43):
democratic spectrum, right from liberal Lyne to Kennedy to conservative
Senator Zoel Miller. So I've had I had. Most people
know me from TV because I talk about DJ stuff
and that's cool. But my experience, uh, you know, I
was in Washington a couple of decades before. Before then,
(04:04):
I worked at the Treasury Department during the Obama administration.
I cut my teeth in New Jersey. Uh, for all
your Jersey listeners out there, I cut my teeth in
New Jersey. I like to say d C taught me policy,
but New Jersey taught me politics. Man, they do Jersey.
They do politics different in Jersey.
Speaker 1 (04:21):
M Okay, okay, Yeah. So you know you mentioned having
worked in politics for you know, decades now, and.
Speaker 2 (04:31):
That makes me sound old. Bro.
Speaker 1 (04:33):
No, you don't. You don't feel old, nor do you
look I just you know, the experiences is. And that's
what I was gonna was going to say, is that
you know, one.
Speaker 2 (04:44):
Of the.
Speaker 1 (04:46):
Few, relatively few black faces who is still around after
decades and still you know, making an impact. And so
you're one of the few people who has that unique
perspective that can offer some insight into what many people
(05:06):
consider to be a growing divide, a grown political divide
in our country. And as as someone who's worked kind
of on both sides of the aisle, speak a little
bit about you know what you've seen in terms of
that political divide, how it's come about, maybe some catalysts,
and and you know what the result of that is
(05:27):
has become.
Speaker 2 (05:29):
So it's bad now, I don't feel like it's bad now.
As bad as it is now, it wasn't as bad
as it was when our parents were living, right, I
mean in the sixties where you have you know, people
literally marching for their rights, for their freedoms and there
and just wanting a different way of life. But that animis,
(05:52):
that divide has always been there. We just see different
bits and pieces of it. It shows its head differently
and different times. Right. I remember I remember going to
church one Sunday in rural North Carolina and somebody said
something This always stuck out to me. It was that
Jim Crow Senior is dead, but James Crow, as James
(06:17):
Crow esquire, his grandson is alive and well. Right, Jim
Crow Junior like the discrimination, the racism, it was blatant,
it was in your face. But the grandson, he's put
on a suit now, right, And the discrimination isn't so
always so blatant, but it's still there. And I think
(06:37):
the thing that Trump has done here is he's exploited
that in a way to propel him to the White House.
And I go back. I remember vividly in the fall
of two thousand and eight, there was a when Obama
was running against John McCain. John McCain was asked a
(07:01):
white lady in the Midwest, I forgive what state you
remember this? I said, you're not in your head, remember,
and she called Obama an Arab, like there's something wrong
with a Arab. But she calls Obama an Arab, and
McCain cuts her off, takes the mc right, and he
(07:21):
says something like, no, man, no, ma'am. He's a citizen
and he and I just have fundamental policy disagreements. Now,
if that had happened with Trump, right, he would have
he would have poured fueled on the fuel onto the
fire right. And so my point is that that type
(07:42):
of hatred or animosity towards otherism, it's always been there,
and what Trump has done was pour gas onto the
flame of it. And I think fast forward to that
was eight. So fast forward if you will to was
it like two thousand and eating eleven when the birther
(08:05):
Rism thing really took off, and I just think, uh, Trump,
Trump knew what was He knew that thread that was
animating so much of American life, and he exploited it.
He waved the flames of it, and he rode that
(08:29):
all the way to the buyouts.
Speaker 1 (08:31):
So it's interesting that you know, this conversation immediately went
to Trump. Of course, that's what I was implying. And
there are a lot of people who have a lot
to say about politics who would point to that as well.
You mentioned the civil rights movement, and you know, that's
that's a valid point. This was a time where assassinations
(08:51):
were very prominent in right, right, there was a different
set of rules that people were playing by. But certainly
in our lifetimes, Uh, there's this is kind of perhaps
the largest divide that we've seen. And you know, in
our lifetimes we've seen you know, as you mentioned folks
like McCain, who and and there's there's people like you know,
(09:12):
Mitt Romney as well. You know, I'm from right there,
you go, I'm from Arizona, and you know McCain is
a person that I disagreed politically speaking with just about
everything just about everything that he believed. But I knew
that he was a good man, and that was something
(09:33):
I could take to the bank on a Sunday and
it would be good money. Right. We just disagreed fundamentally
on pretty much everything. Whereas you know, uh, you know,
the way that Donald Trump attacks even John McCain, it's
exceptionally offensive to people in Arizona where he McCain is
(09:53):
sort of like a hero. He's like a saint out here,
having served not just the country, but served the state
of Arizona for such a long time. With that in mind,
I have to say that as much as Donald Trump
is at the center of these conversations, you know, someone
that works in media, what are your thoughts on how
the media has also factored into this political division in
(10:16):
the country.
Speaker 2 (10:18):
So when we were growing up, there were tens of
millions of people every day who would get in front
of their television and they would watch the news three channels, right,
and those and those those, those broadcasts reached sixty seventy
million people more a night, and there was one central
(10:41):
place for truth. Right, And what Trump has done not
to take it and not to always go back to Trump,
but what he has done was he's exploited these silos.
He's he's he right. So now I don't want to
begrudge NBC Nightly News or the CBS Union News with
(11:05):
Nora o'dale. Right, they still pull five and six million
of people, but the media is fractured in such a
way that there's now no one central place where people
can go to obtain that truth. They just now go
to their to their trusted voices, right in their trusted silos,
and Trump exploits that, right. I think you and I
(11:27):
were talking offline about about the effect of trump Ism
on this divide, and I was trying to think of
a I was trying to succinctly define Trumpism, and I'm
going to throw this out there and see what you
think about that to see if I got it right.
I would define Trumpism as a worldview that centers on
(11:49):
victimhood and retribution.
Speaker 1 (11:52):
Huh, right, go ahead, I think you nailed it to
the to the wall now. To be fair, Yeah, there's
people on that side that could say that Black Lives
Matter is based on victimhood and retribution. I don't think
it's as well founded an argument, but I think that, yeah,
(12:14):
I would make that argument all day, every day. And
it's it's, as you mentioned, Donald Trump kind of playing
white folk's greatest hits, you know, especially poor white people
or white people who've been prossed the American dream that
they will never be able to really achieve. And rather
than blaming you know, billionaires not paying taxes, or blaming
you know, crony capitalism, or blaming a political establishment that
(12:38):
really overlooks the common man, they've been given these other
targets black people, immigrants, Mexican people, you name it. And
then they, you know, fly above the infighting of US
citizens here on the ground. So I'd go with that
one hundred percent, right.
Speaker 2 (12:54):
And so when you think about victimhood and retribution, we
see that victimhood language in this siloed media environment, in
our environment, especially within the context of these legal cases. Right,
So he tells his supporters, I'm only getting indicted because
of you. He says, they are really after you. I'm
(13:15):
just standing in the way. So like that's the victimhood
part of it. He's he's cloaking his the legal issues
that he brought on himself in this in this ara
of victimhood, and in terms of the retribution part of it.
What really this is the part that really troubles me,
is I think back to January sixth and I think
(13:38):
back to when I worked on the war campaign. And
you know, I'm always hesitant to make this comparison between
Gore two thousand and Trump twenty and twenty, because I
think or should have been sworn in as president.
Speaker 1 (13:54):
He'd one more votes.
Speaker 2 (13:56):
So, right, But my point in making this analogy is
that Gore availed himself to the court system, and even
though he disagreed with what the Supreme Court said with it,
he went with it. And that's what you're doing a democracy.
What Donald Trump did on the other side, in terms
(14:17):
of like this retribution that I'm talking about, is that
he had sixty plus court cases federal level, state level.
He lost all of them, and that should have been
the end of it. But he kept going, he tells
his supporters in December of twenty twenty. He tweets out,
(14:39):
after he's lost most of these court cases, come to
DC on January six, will be wild, he says, right,
And they get to the DC on January six, he
tells them, I went back and I looked at the
transcript from his speech on the ellipse. He used the
word fight or fighting twenty times. Tell us them to
(15:00):
go down to the Capitol and fight like hell. I'm
talking about retribution. Go down to the capital and fight
like hell. And they take their tactical vest, they take
their weapons, they take their bare spray base the capital,
they assault the media. Five law enforcement officers lost their
lives on January sixth. And these people only stop when
(15:26):
he tells him to stop. And so this is and
he did all of this within his silo. Everybody could
see it, right, Trump's social truth social and so this
is why this is what bothers me about what trump
Ism is. When you when you when you pill it back,
it's about victimhood and it's about retribution. And I think
(15:50):
I think that's just scared a lot of people, man.
And now I hope people are listening to this and
will realize what's really what's really going on.
Speaker 1 (16:01):
We are here today with Anthony Coley, the Washington Insider,
seated at the helm of the Public Affairs firm Corner
Office Strategies, discussing the twenty twenty four political landscape and
the Trump effect. You mentioned these silos, and it's so
eloquently stated and brilliantly stated. But the effect of that,
(16:25):
perhaps intentionally or maybe it's just a ripple effect, is that,
you know, this go round. You know, in terms of
the election cycle, we're seeing an effect on black people,
particularly black men, right that are now susceptible to that. Now.
I have some thoughts on really what the basis of
that could be. But I'd love to get your thoughts
(16:47):
and just kind of have a little back and forth here.
Speaker 2 (16:49):
So I don't want to up that. Yeah, I don't
want to hear anything Trump has to say about black
men until he apologized to the Central Park five.
Speaker 1 (16:57):
Okay, we can start there.
Speaker 2 (16:59):
Period polls. I mean, what he did to those boys,
to me was unforgivable. I mean, even after they were
fully exonerated and compensated, even after he ran that full
page ad calling for the death penalty, he refused to
apologize to these boys, and so like that to me
(17:23):
is the start of the conversation. I actually don't think
I don't think it's genuine when we hear he's making
this outreach to black man. I think he realized. My
friend Macary Seller said this the best that you alluded
to a similar sentiment earlier, he says, for Cary says,
there are three leading candidates in this race. Is Joe Biden,
(17:46):
is Donald Trump, and it's the couch the catch. And
I think Trump is really trying to trying to trying
to tap into this sentiment that some black people, many
black people have that the system is unfair and if
you don't vote for me like the other guy, is
(18:09):
not going to change it. So I think his end
goal is to really get people to stay home. Knowing
that when you think about the two thousand and twenty election,
buffal forty four thousand votes and three states, Wisconsin, Arizona,
and Georgia forty four thousand votes. In those three states,
(18:30):
Donald Trump would be president right now. And so it's
a marginal election, right, And so any any key demographic,
whether you suppress the vote black men or you supercharged
the vote amongst you know, white workingmen, right, it's going
(18:51):
to be a marginal election. I think he's just I'm
always skeptical about what anything Trump says, and I'm especially
skeptical based on his past, that he will do anything
to help a black man and in particular black black
people in general in the future.
Speaker 1 (19:14):
You know, there's something about him that is unusually self
serving that it's almost tough to listen to him make
a promise to anybody, especially black people. Black people often
whenever he does interact with black folks, it often feels convenient.
(19:37):
I'll put it mildly, it feels convenient. But you know, historically,
even before Donald Trump was even considering running for president,
just as a real estate mogul, you know, I was
well aware of how he treated black people. Some of
the things that he said. You mentioned, you know, the
the now exonerated five and so forth. In some of
(19:58):
these attitudes toward black people. I don't want black people
touching my money. I wanted to be Jewish people, you know,
blah blah blah. You know, like implying that somehow black
people are either incompetent or going to steal, and that
we are we cannot be professionals and help him, you
know whatever, with his business. These sorts of things that
you kind of give me a sense of latitude.
Speaker 2 (20:19):
And it's not just the past, it's now. He's calling
what he's calling tis James peekaboo James. We nobody's saying,
you know, Alvin Bragg, I mean he's calling all races,
he's using all these terms rad infested city. You know, Washington,
DC run by a beautiful black woman, an accomplished black woman, right,
(20:42):
I mean he knows by what I mean, look at
how he's treating Bonnie Willis. I mean, you go down
the list, this man isn't serious about black votes.
Speaker 1 (20:52):
And and and you know, you see that when you
see you know his AI, the AI stuff that I
know he will wasn't the person behind it, but his voters,
you know, making Trump sit with black people and AI
the golden shoes and you know, all this like low
hanging fruit. But there's something else here. So my understanding
(21:16):
is that the black people, the black men polled who
said that they would, they were more they were more
leaning toward a Trump vote than a Biden vote. In
a subsequent question on the poll, they were asked do
they view Trump favorably? And most of them said no, right,
And so to me, I took that to mean that,
(21:38):
you know, these black men perhaps were fed up with
Democrats taking advantage of their votes and their opinion. And
I can make the case for it, and I'd love
your thoughts here, but I can make the case for
(22:00):
it because the internet, you know, we only have election
cycles every four years, right by president, and the internet
really took and social media, that sort of thing really
took center stage around you know, the Obama administration, and
you know, you're not going to have too much of
a problem with black men voting for Obama, black men
(22:22):
voting for black people voting for a black president, because
the ready assumption is that even him being there empowers us. Right,
so even if he does nothing, you know, his the
representation matters. Right after that, after that election twenty sixteen,
(22:43):
we have Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump, and you know,
the question comes up, will what have Democrats done for you?
But now it's discussed more widely on social media. There
are a lot more platforms. Podcasting has kind of grown
and in terms of its influence and so forth. Right,
so these conversations have grown, and you know Clinton lost
(23:08):
that election, but it wasn't due to black men, not
you know, voting and supporting her. Then Donald Trump has
to go at it. And at the end of that,
you know, we all see you know, Bernie Sanders, you know,
Joe Biden, all this sort of stuff happen again. We
get Joe Biden back into the office. And now we're
here and Joe Biden is saying, okay, the police reform.
(23:31):
You know, we need economic empowerment. He's taught, he's talking,
he's talking to talk, right, we need all these things.
And now we've seen a Trump presidency. So we've seen
what's possible when someone who is determined to get their
get off whatever it is that they're going to get off.
We've seen that it's possible, right, ignoring etiquette, ignoring all that,
(23:52):
you can get it done that if you want, right,
And then Joe Biden gets in there and we still
don't have the police reform. He's given student loans, which
is not nothing. But then we're dealing with the conflict
in Palestine, and a lot of black people don't love
that response. A lot of people don't love that response
at this point, if polls are any indication. But anyway,
(24:14):
so now we get to this twenty twenty four where
that question, that question what have Democrats done for black people?
Has been able to kind of be born of the
primordial oose of election cycles in the early days of
the Internet and then grow into this national narrative that
black men are partaking in. And I would argue that
(24:34):
based on the poll numbers, saying that they don't view
Trump favorably, but are willing to give them a vote.
I feel like that is more of a protest vote
or a way to show Democrats exactly what our vote
is worth than anything. And so this is kind of
where I've landed. I'd love your thoughts.
Speaker 2 (24:54):
Yeah, So a couple things. Number One, there's a great
polls for African American and Morehouseman Terrence would Bury, who
has looked that you should have him on the show
to talk about some of his data. His main takeaway
is that some of the data we are seeing many
of these national polls, that it oversamples Black men in
their views, and that yes, there is discontent there, but
(25:20):
it is not near the discontent that we have seen
reflected in some of the national numbers. But you should
dig into disc with Terrence because he's one of the
leading leading fault voices on this. I would make the
argument that you know, and it's not just black people
when I say this, but many people. We have this
messiah complex of our elected leaders, particularly our present right,
(25:46):
and what it takes is a Congress who will enable
him to pass the things that you just mentioned that
we all want to see passed, you know, police reform
for instance. I mean Joe Biden. If Joe Biden had
a Democratic Congress going into the next year, they could
(26:07):
restore Roe v. Wade. It's that simple, right, So Joe
Biden cannot do. A president cannot do the reason that
Barack Obama and that tens of millions of black people
right now health insurance is because of Barack Obama and
a Democratic Congress with zero Republican votes, right, and so
it's not just a president. And I think everybody's got
(26:29):
to keep that in mind, you know. And you know,
I take a state like North Carolina. I don't know
that we're going to have time to talk about some
of the racists that I've been watching, but I look
at a state like North Carolina and finally, finally, they
my home state. They voted with the Republican legislature and
a Democratic governor. They voted to use federal money money
(26:53):
to expand medicaid to millions of people in the state
who do not have access to health insurance anymore, people
that look like me and you, right, That's what happens
when you get people in place and in this particular example,
you gave them enough of a federal incentive so that
(27:18):
they're not carrying the burden themselves at the state level.
And so is the country where we need to be Nope, Nope,
not at all. But the question that we all have
to ask ourselves as we go to this election is
if we're gonna let the perfect be the enemy of
the good.
Speaker 1 (27:38):
Okay, now, I know we're short on time. If I can,
I got two more questions. You can be as brief
as you what you got?
Speaker 2 (27:44):
What you got? Brother?
Speaker 1 (27:45):
You mentioned something and I feel like your insight here
would be profound. Okay, we can shape this this upcoming
election cycle. There's going to be a huge number of
seats for reelection. M there, there's got to be some
key races that that we should be focused on, or
(28:07):
at least some some levels we should be focused on
in terms of shaping the future that we would feel
most comfortable in your thoughts there.
Speaker 2 (28:15):
Yeah, So the United States Senate I think is an
uphill battle for Democrats. Uh, And that's just because of
of where the map is right now. I think in
states like you want to talk about Arizona, where you're from,
there's going to be a referendum on the ballot in
terms of abortion access, and that's going to be that's
(28:37):
going to be something that I would when I look
at the Senate map of Arizona, Ohio, Montana, Florida will
also have an abortion measure on his ballot. The Senate
is where I think, like I said, it's an uphill
battle for Democrats, but if people get engaged and realized
(29:00):
that their rights are really on the battle, things could
turn in a way that would be positive for Democrats
in the Senate and for black people in particular. With
majority control of Congress, I'm already I'm I shouldn't say
just make a fatal complete that Kim Jeffers is going
to be the first black Speaker of the House because
(29:23):
there are some competitive races in the House. But as
a Democrat, I feel less worried about the House than
I do about the United States Senate than losing that
majority there. I will say on the state level, I'm
talking about book right now because there is a crazy
gubernatorial candidate, Republican nominee in North Carolina. Do you know
this guy, Mark Robinson?
Speaker 1 (29:44):
Maybe?
Speaker 2 (29:45):
So, this is a guy. He gave one viral speech
on gun rights. Two years two years ago late to
I'm sorry, he gave one viral speech on gun rights,
and twenty and eighteen, two years later, he's the lieutenant
governor and making anti Semitic, anti gay, misogynistic remarks every
(30:09):
step of the way. I mean, if this guy you
ever seen those fake handbags on the street, If Trump
where the original, Mark Robinson would be like one of
the knockoffs, And like the knockoff, the knockoffs are always
worse than the original. This guy is is pretty bad,
and he's a black guy, and he's the Republican nominee
in North Carolina. And so this is a state that
(30:33):
I would watch particularly for. It's also its impact on
the presidential race. North Carolina is not a state that
Democrats need to win, but they are playing offensively there. Importantly,
the Biden campaign is already on the air in North Carolina.
They were on the air advertising last fall, a year out.
(30:59):
And importantly, they were spending money not just on mainstream
radio TV stations, they were spending money on black media,
in black media. We had never seen that from a
presidential candidate before, not as early, I mean, even with
the Obama campaign. So I think North Carolina is a
state to watch. I'm not just talking my book because
I'm from there. I think North Carolina is a state
(31:20):
to watch not just because of its governor's race, but
also because of the import to the presidential race and
how it could give Joe Biden another path to two
hundred and seventy electoral votes.
Speaker 1 (31:33):
Sure, sure, okay, one more question for you, but you
got while people are watching, you know, this race in
North Carolina, but also other races, right, not just presidential choice.
Any advice on how our listeners can process and filter
(31:54):
political media.
Speaker 2 (31:56):
Yeah, so my rule of thumb is that we're a
primary source material exists. Go there, take it. You know,
I spent a lot of time, you know. I think
you noted in the intro that I ran comms at
the Justice Department for a couple of years. And one
of the things that's going to be dominating these next
(32:18):
six months are Donald Trump's legal issues. Right, and while
the prosecutors have done on the federal level, on the
state level, local level, Alvian Bragg, Finnie Willis, Jack Smith,
they are writing their briefs in ways that are accessible
for real people, people without a law degree. I don't
(32:40):
have a law degree. People without a law degree can understand.
And so I just used that as an example. Go
to find your trusted sources, go to primary source material.
There's a sister that I There are a couple women
that I continually follow and always when I want to
(33:02):
get smart, when I'm about to go on MSNBC and
i want to see what the lawyers have to say
about something, I look at Joyce Fans. I look at
this sister. Name is escape for me right now from
n YU love Melissa Murray. I follow her. You you
ever see her on TV? I mean with her name?
Speaker 1 (33:23):
Yeah?
Speaker 2 (33:23):
Yeah, man, she's bad. She was the one who coined
the phrase maca maga making attorneys get attorneys. Uh so
I'll follow her. I'll follow her a lot.
Speaker 1 (33:36):
Okay, all right, fantastic. All right, Well, before you go,
do us a favor. Let everyone know your your social media,
you know, any anything that you have upcoming. You know,
let's let's create some connective tissues so we can continue
to partake in your brilliance and your experience.
Speaker 2 (33:53):
I appreciate that, man, So follow me on Twitter. Just
my first name, last name, Anthony Coley. I'm sorry, is
it Twitter, is it X now we still should I should?
Speaker 1 (34:02):
I say I I As soon as what's the name body,
I was like, you know, I'm not there, so you
know I'll call it with you. No, no, go ahead.
Speaker 2 (34:09):
And I'm also on Instagram eighty Coali one co l
e y ad koali one on Instagram. So I love
to love to come back if you have me. I
think there's going to be a lot of uh, a
lot of things that are going to be of interest
to the community over the next six months, particularly as
it relates to these these trials and in this campaign.
(34:30):
So I appreciate everything you're doing Man to keep the community.
Speaker 1 (34:33):
Informed absolutely, and I'd like to thank you as well
for coming on and again sharing your your insight and
your experience and your overall commitment to the successful, informed
and inspired future of you know, Black Americans. So I
salute you.
Speaker 2 (34:51):
Sir, preature Man, appreciate you, Thank you, sir once again.
Speaker 1 (34:55):
Today's guest is Anthony Coley, the Washington Insider, seated at
the helm of the Public Affairs firm Corner Office Strategies,
discussing the twenty twenty four political landscape and the Trump Effect.
This has been a production of the Black Information Network.
Today's show was produced by Chris Thompson. Have some thoughts
you'd like to share, use the red microphone talkback feature
(35:16):
on the iHeartRadio app. While you're there, be sure to
hit subscribe and download all of our episodes. I'm your
host Ramsey's Jaw on all social media, and join us
tomorrow as we share our news with our voice from
our perspective right here on the Black Information Network Daily
Podcast
As a trusted advisor to cabinet secretaries, CEOs, and other
prominent leaders, Anthony Coley has shaped public opinion and communications
on some of our nation's most significant debates and challenges.
During the first two years of the Biden administration, he
led public affairs at the US Department of Justice and
served as Attorney General Merrick Garland's chief spokesman. He also
(00:21):
oversaw national media relations for the Justice Department's litigating divisions,
law enforcement components, and U S Attorney Officers, among others.
At the end of Anthony's tenure, Attorney General Garland presented
him with the Edmund J. Randolph Award, the Justice Department's
highest honor. He has also worked on the communication staff
of two presidential campaigns, gor Lieberman in two thousand and
(00:43):
Kerry Edwards in two thousand and four. Currently, Anthony is
an hon air contributor at NBC News, CNBC and MSNBC,
providing independent analysis of leading political, legal, and economic issues
Through his public affairs firm corner office strategies. He provides
senior level council to decision makers and organizers facing high
profile moments or critical public affairs challenges, and he is
(01:07):
our guest today. This is the Black Information Network Daily Podcast.
Now I'm your host, ramses Jab. Okay, so Anthony Coley,
welcome to the show. This has been a long time
coming and I'm really excited to have this conversation with you. Now,
before we get into kind of the broader questions, we
(01:29):
painted a little bit of a picture for you in
our introduction, but we always start our stories here at
the beginning so that we can kind of introduce you
to our listeners. Do us a favor, talk a little
bit about your background, a little bit about a little
bit about your upbringing and what led you to today's conversation.
Speaker 2 (01:48):
So. I grew up a small town, North Carolina, one
stop by town, twenty two people, eastern North Carolina. That's
pretty small, right, grew up there mostly by my mom.
I ended up going to Morehouse business major. At Morehouse,
my heart led me into politics. But by the time
(02:08):
I realized that I was, I was into my third
year and I just needed to get my degree, right,
So I didn't need to I wasn't going to do
to change the major thing. Right. So, you know, you
have a set period of time you're going to go
to school, you're going to finish, but I went to
Morehouse that changed my life. Man. I found a group
(02:30):
of guys there that became my lifelong friends. And I
did a couple internships that kind of nurtured this idea
of public service that I had. My first internship was
with a woman. Her name was Eva Clayton. She was
the first black woman to represent the state of North
Carolina in Congress ever. And I was a Congressional Black
(02:55):
Caucuss Foundation intern. This was the summer of ninety seven,
and then the next year I went back to Washington
and became a White House intern. And the summer of
ninety eight was interesting because that was the summer of
impeachment summer. Do you remember that with Lewinsky all of
that situation, And so I was I was completely addicted
(03:18):
to politics. And then I worked in the I was
an intern in al Gors West Wing office, and I
got connected from there to the Gore campaign. And fast
forward to two thousand, I did the Gore campaign, the recount,
and then twenty four years later, I'm still still in
Washington doing politics. I worked for all sides of the
(03:43):
democratic spectrum, right from liberal Lyne to Kennedy to conservative
Senator Zoel Miller. So I've had I had. Most people
know me from TV because I talk about DJ stuff
and that's cool. But my experience, uh, you know, I
was in Washington a couple of decades before. Before then,
(04:04):
I worked at the Treasury Department during the Obama administration.
I cut my teeth in New Jersey. Uh, for all
your Jersey listeners out there, I cut my teeth in
New Jersey. I like to say d C taught me policy,
but New Jersey taught me politics. Man, they do Jersey.
They do politics different in Jersey.
Speaker 1 (04:21):
M Okay, okay, Yeah. So you know you mentioned having
worked in politics for you know, decades now, and.
Speaker 2 (04:31):
That makes me sound old. Bro.
Speaker 1 (04:33):
No, you don't. You don't feel old, nor do you
look I just you know, the experiences is. And that's
what I was gonna was going to say, is that
you know, one.
Speaker 2 (04:44):
Of the.
Speaker 1 (04:46):
Few, relatively few black faces who is still around after
decades and still you know, making an impact. And so
you're one of the few people who has that unique
perspective that can offer some insight into what many people
(05:06):
consider to be a growing divide, a grown political divide
in our country. And as as someone who's worked kind
of on both sides of the aisle, speak a little
bit about you know what you've seen in terms of
that political divide, how it's come about, maybe some catalysts,
and and you know what the result of that is
(05:27):
has become.
Speaker 2 (05:29):
So it's bad now, I don't feel like it's bad now.
As bad as it is now, it wasn't as bad
as it was when our parents were living, right, I
mean in the sixties where you have you know, people
literally marching for their rights, for their freedoms and there
and just wanting a different way of life. But that animis,
(05:52):
that divide has always been there. We just see different
bits and pieces of it. It shows its head differently
and different times. Right. I remember I remember going to
church one Sunday in rural North Carolina and somebody said
something This always stuck out to me. It was that
Jim Crow Senior is dead, but James Crow, as James
(06:17):
Crow esquire, his grandson is alive and well. Right, Jim
Crow Junior like the discrimination, the racism, it was blatant,
it was in your face. But the grandson, he's put
on a suit now, right, And the discrimination isn't so
always so blatant, but it's still there. And I think
(06:37):
the thing that Trump has done here is he's exploited
that in a way to propel him to the White House.
And I go back. I remember vividly in the fall
of two thousand and eight, there was a when Obama
was running against John McCain. John McCain was asked a
(07:01):
white lady in the Midwest, I forgive what state you
remember this? I said, you're not in your head, remember,
and she called Obama an Arab, like there's something wrong
with a Arab. But she calls Obama an Arab, and
McCain cuts her off, takes the mc right, and he
(07:21):
says something like, no, man, no, ma'am. He's a citizen
and he and I just have fundamental policy disagreements. Now,
if that had happened with Trump, right, he would have
he would have poured fueled on the fuel onto the
fire right. And so my point is that that type
(07:42):
of hatred or animosity towards otherism, it's always been there,
and what Trump has done was pour gas onto the
flame of it. And I think fast forward to that
was eight. So fast forward if you will to was
it like two thousand and eating eleven when the birther
(08:05):
Rism thing really took off, and I just think, uh, Trump,
Trump knew what was He knew that thread that was
animating so much of American life, and he exploited it.
He waved the flames of it, and he rode that
(08:29):
all the way to the buyouts.
Speaker 1 (08:31):
So it's interesting that you know, this conversation immediately went
to Trump. Of course, that's what I was implying. And
there are a lot of people who have a lot
to say about politics who would point to that as well.
You mentioned the civil rights movement, and you know, that's
that's a valid point. This was a time where assassinations
(08:51):
were very prominent in right, right, there was a different
set of rules that people were playing by. But certainly
in our lifetimes, Uh, there's this is kind of perhaps
the largest divide that we've seen. And you know, in
our lifetimes we've seen you know, as you mentioned folks
like McCain, who and and there's there's people like you know,
(09:12):
Mitt Romney as well. You know, I'm from right there,
you go, I'm from Arizona, and you know McCain is
a person that I disagreed politically speaking with just about
everything just about everything that he believed. But I knew
that he was a good man, and that was something
(09:33):
I could take to the bank on a Sunday and
it would be good money. Right. We just disagreed fundamentally
on pretty much everything. Whereas you know, uh, you know,
the way that Donald Trump attacks even John McCain, it's
exceptionally offensive to people in Arizona where he McCain is
(09:53):
sort of like a hero. He's like a saint out here,
having served not just the country, but served the state
of Arizona for such a long time. With that in mind,
I have to say that as much as Donald Trump
is at the center of these conversations, you know, someone
that works in media, what are your thoughts on how
the media has also factored into this political division in
(10:16):
the country.
Speaker 2 (10:18):
So when we were growing up, there were tens of
millions of people every day who would get in front
of their television and they would watch the news three channels, right,
and those and those those, those broadcasts reached sixty seventy
million people more a night, and there was one central
(10:41):
place for truth. Right, And what Trump has done not
to take it and not to always go back to Trump,
but what he has done was he's exploited these silos.
He's he's he right. So now I don't want to
begrudge NBC Nightly News or the CBS Union News with
(11:05):
Nora o'dale. Right, they still pull five and six million
of people, but the media is fractured in such a
way that there's now no one central place where people
can go to obtain that truth. They just now go
to their to their trusted voices, right in their trusted silos,
and Trump exploits that, right. I think you and I
(11:27):
were talking offline about about the effect of trump Ism
on this divide, and I was trying to think of
a I was trying to succinctly define Trumpism, and I'm
going to throw this out there and see what you
think about that to see if I got it right.
I would define Trumpism as a worldview that centers on
(11:49):
victimhood and retribution.
Speaker 1 (11:52):
Huh, right, go ahead, I think you nailed it to
the to the wall now. To be fair, Yeah, there's
people on that side that could say that Black Lives
Matter is based on victimhood and retribution. I don't think
it's as well founded an argument, but I think that, yeah,
(12:14):
I would make that argument all day, every day. And
it's it's, as you mentioned, Donald Trump kind of playing
white folk's greatest hits, you know, especially poor white people
or white people who've been prossed the American dream that
they will never be able to really achieve. And rather
than blaming you know, billionaires not paying taxes, or blaming
you know, crony capitalism, or blaming a political establishment that
(12:38):
really overlooks the common man, they've been given these other
targets black people, immigrants, Mexican people, you name it. And
then they, you know, fly above the infighting of US
citizens here on the ground. So I'd go with that
one hundred percent, right.
Speaker 2 (12:54):
And so when you think about victimhood and retribution, we
see that victimhood language in this siloed media environment, in
our environment, especially within the context of these legal cases. Right,
So he tells his supporters, I'm only getting indicted because
of you. He says, they are really after you. I'm
(13:15):
just standing in the way. So like that's the victimhood
part of it. He's he's cloaking his the legal issues
that he brought on himself in this in this ara
of victimhood, and in terms of the retribution part of it.
What really this is the part that really troubles me,
is I think back to January sixth and I think
(13:38):
back to when I worked on the war campaign. And
you know, I'm always hesitant to make this comparison between
Gore two thousand and Trump twenty and twenty, because I
think or should have been sworn in as president.
Speaker 1 (13:54):
He'd one more votes.
Speaker 2 (13:56):
So, right, But my point in making this analogy is
that Gore availed himself to the court system, and even
though he disagreed with what the Supreme Court said with it,
he went with it. And that's what you're doing a democracy.
What Donald Trump did on the other side, in terms
(14:17):
of like this retribution that I'm talking about, is that
he had sixty plus court cases federal level, state level.
He lost all of them, and that should have been
the end of it. But he kept going, he tells
his supporters in December of twenty twenty. He tweets out,
(14:39):
after he's lost most of these court cases, come to
DC on January six, will be wild, he says, right,
And they get to the DC on January six, he
tells them, I went back and I looked at the
transcript from his speech on the ellipse. He used the
word fight or fighting twenty times. Tell us them to
(15:00):
go down to the Capitol and fight like hell. I'm
talking about retribution. Go down to the capital and fight
like hell. And they take their tactical vest, they take
their weapons, they take their bare spray base the capital,
they assault the media. Five law enforcement officers lost their
lives on January sixth. And these people only stop when
(15:26):
he tells him to stop. And so this is and
he did all of this within his silo. Everybody could
see it, right, Trump's social truth social and so this
is why this is what bothers me about what trump
Ism is. When you when you when you pill it back,
it's about victimhood and it's about retribution. And I think
(15:50):
I think that's just scared a lot of people, man.
And now I hope people are listening to this and
will realize what's really what's really going on.
Speaker 1 (16:01):
We are here today with Anthony Coley, the Washington Insider,
seated at the helm of the Public Affairs firm Corner
Office Strategies, discussing the twenty twenty four political landscape and
the Trump effect. You mentioned these silos, and it's so
eloquently stated and brilliantly stated. But the effect of that,
(16:25):
perhaps intentionally or maybe it's just a ripple effect, is that,
you know, this go round. You know, in terms of
the election cycle, we're seeing an effect on black people,
particularly black men, right that are now susceptible to that. Now.
I have some thoughts on really what the basis of
that could be. But I'd love to get your thoughts
(16:47):
and just kind of have a little back and forth here.
Speaker 2 (16:49):
So I don't want to up that. Yeah, I don't
want to hear anything Trump has to say about black
men until he apologized to the Central Park five.
Speaker 1 (16:57):
Okay, we can start there.
Speaker 2 (16:59):
Period polls. I mean, what he did to those boys,
to me was unforgivable. I mean, even after they were
fully exonerated and compensated, even after he ran that full
page ad calling for the death penalty, he refused to
apologize to these boys, and so like that to me
(17:23):
is the start of the conversation. I actually don't think
I don't think it's genuine when we hear he's making
this outreach to black man. I think he realized. My
friend Macary Seller said this the best that you alluded
to a similar sentiment earlier, he says, for Cary says,
there are three leading candidates in this race. Is Joe Biden,
(17:46):
is Donald Trump, and it's the couch the catch. And
I think Trump is really trying to trying to trying
to tap into this sentiment that some black people, many
black people have that the system is unfair and if
you don't vote for me like the other guy, is
(18:09):
not going to change it. So I think his end
goal is to really get people to stay home. Knowing
that when you think about the two thousand and twenty election,
buffal forty four thousand votes and three states, Wisconsin, Arizona,
and Georgia forty four thousand votes. In those three states,
(18:30):
Donald Trump would be president right now. And so it's
a marginal election, right, And so any any key demographic,
whether you suppress the vote black men or you supercharged
the vote amongst you know, white workingmen, right, it's going
(18:51):
to be a marginal election. I think he's just I'm
always skeptical about what anything Trump says, and I'm especially
skeptical based on his past, that he will do anything
to help a black man and in particular black black
people in general in the future.
Speaker 1 (19:14):
You know, there's something about him that is unusually self
serving that it's almost tough to listen to him make
a promise to anybody, especially black people. Black people often
whenever he does interact with black folks, it often feels convenient.
(19:37):
I'll put it mildly, it feels convenient. But you know, historically,
even before Donald Trump was even considering running for president,
just as a real estate mogul, you know, I was
well aware of how he treated black people. Some of
the things that he said. You mentioned, you know, the
the now exonerated five and so forth. In some of
(19:58):
these attitudes toward black people. I don't want black people
touching my money. I wanted to be Jewish people, you know,
blah blah blah. You know, like implying that somehow black
people are either incompetent or going to steal, and that
we are we cannot be professionals and help him, you
know whatever, with his business. These sorts of things that
you kind of give me a sense of latitude.
Speaker 2 (20:19):
And it's not just the past, it's now. He's calling
what he's calling tis James peekaboo James. We nobody's saying,
you know, Alvin Bragg, I mean he's calling all races,
he's using all these terms rad infested city. You know, Washington,
DC run by a beautiful black woman, an accomplished black woman, right,
(20:42):
I mean he knows by what I mean, look at
how he's treating Bonnie Willis. I mean, you go down
the list, this man isn't serious about black votes.
Speaker 1 (20:52):
And and and you know, you see that when you
see you know his AI, the AI stuff that I
know he will wasn't the person behind it, but his voters,
you know, making Trump sit with black people and AI
the golden shoes and you know, all this like low
hanging fruit. But there's something else here. So my understanding
(21:16):
is that the black people, the black men polled who
said that they would, they were more they were more
leaning toward a Trump vote than a Biden vote. In
a subsequent question on the poll, they were asked do
they view Trump favorably? And most of them said no, right,
And so to me, I took that to mean that,
(21:38):
you know, these black men perhaps were fed up with
Democrats taking advantage of their votes and their opinion. And
I can make the case for it, and I'd love
your thoughts here, but I can make the case for
(22:00):
it because the internet, you know, we only have election
cycles every four years, right by president, and the internet
really took and social media, that sort of thing really
took center stage around you know, the Obama administration, and
you know, you're not going to have too much of
a problem with black men voting for Obama, black men
(22:22):
voting for black people voting for a black president, because
the ready assumption is that even him being there empowers us. Right,
so even if he does nothing, you know, his the
representation matters. Right after that, after that election twenty sixteen,
(22:43):
we have Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump, and you know,
the question comes up, will what have Democrats done for you?
But now it's discussed more widely on social media. There
are a lot more platforms. Podcasting has kind of grown
and in terms of its influence and so forth. Right,
so these conversations have grown, and you know Clinton lost
(23:08):
that election, but it wasn't due to black men, not
you know, voting and supporting her. Then Donald Trump has
to go at it. And at the end of that,
you know, we all see you know, Bernie Sanders, you know,
Joe Biden, all this sort of stuff happen again. We
get Joe Biden back into the office. And now we're
here and Joe Biden is saying, okay, the police reform.
(23:31):
You know, we need economic empowerment. He's taught, he's talking,
he's talking to talk, right, we need all these things.
And now we've seen a Trump presidency. So we've seen
what's possible when someone who is determined to get their
get off whatever it is that they're going to get off.
We've seen that it's possible, right, ignoring etiquette, ignoring all that,
(23:52):
you can get it done that if you want, right,
And then Joe Biden gets in there and we still
don't have the police reform. He's given student loans, which
is not nothing. But then we're dealing with the conflict
in Palestine, and a lot of black people don't love
that response. A lot of people don't love that response
at this point, if polls are any indication. But anyway,
(24:14):
so now we get to this twenty twenty four where
that question, that question what have Democrats done for black people?
Has been able to kind of be born of the
primordial oose of election cycles in the early days of
the Internet and then grow into this national narrative that
black men are partaking in. And I would argue that
(24:34):
based on the poll numbers, saying that they don't view
Trump favorably, but are willing to give them a vote.
I feel like that is more of a protest vote
or a way to show Democrats exactly what our vote
is worth than anything. And so this is kind of
where I've landed. I'd love your thoughts.
Speaker 2 (24:54):
Yeah, So a couple things. Number One, there's a great
polls for African American and Morehouseman Terrence would Bury, who
has looked that you should have him on the show
to talk about some of his data. His main takeaway
is that some of the data we are seeing many
of these national polls, that it oversamples Black men in
their views, and that yes, there is discontent there, but
(25:20):
it is not near the discontent that we have seen
reflected in some of the national numbers. But you should
dig into disc with Terrence because he's one of the
leading leading fault voices on this. I would make the
argument that you know, and it's not just black people
when I say this, but many people. We have this
messiah complex of our elected leaders, particularly our present right,
(25:46):
and what it takes is a Congress who will enable
him to pass the things that you just mentioned that
we all want to see passed, you know, police reform
for instance. I mean Joe Biden. If Joe Biden had
a Democratic Congress going into the next year, they could
(26:07):
restore Roe v. Wade. It's that simple, right, So Joe
Biden cannot do. A president cannot do the reason that
Barack Obama and that tens of millions of black people
right now health insurance is because of Barack Obama and
a Democratic Congress with zero Republican votes, right, and so
it's not just a president. And I think everybody's got
(26:29):
to keep that in mind, you know. And you know,
I take a state like North Carolina. I don't know
that we're going to have time to talk about some
of the racists that I've been watching, but I look
at a state like North Carolina and finally, finally, they
my home state. They voted with the Republican legislature and
a Democratic governor. They voted to use federal money money
(26:53):
to expand medicaid to millions of people in the state
who do not have access to health insurance anymore, people
that look like me and you, right, That's what happens
when you get people in place and in this particular example,
you gave them enough of a federal incentive so that
(27:18):
they're not carrying the burden themselves at the state level.
And so is the country where we need to be Nope, Nope,
not at all. But the question that we all have
to ask ourselves as we go to this election is
if we're gonna let the perfect be the enemy of
the good.
Speaker 1 (27:38):
Okay, now, I know we're short on time. If I can,
I got two more questions. You can be as brief
as you what you got?
Speaker 2 (27:44):
What you got? Brother?
Speaker 1 (27:45):
You mentioned something and I feel like your insight here
would be profound. Okay, we can shape this this upcoming
election cycle. There's going to be a huge number of
seats for reelection. M there, there's got to be some
key races that that we should be focused on, or
(28:07):
at least some some levels we should be focused on
in terms of shaping the future that we would feel
most comfortable in your thoughts there.
Speaker 2 (28:15):
Yeah, So the United States Senate I think is an
uphill battle for Democrats. Uh, And that's just because of
of where the map is right now. I think in
states like you want to talk about Arizona, where you're from,
there's going to be a referendum on the ballot in
terms of abortion access, and that's going to be that's
(28:37):
going to be something that I would when I look
at the Senate map of Arizona, Ohio, Montana, Florida will
also have an abortion measure on his ballot. The Senate
is where I think, like I said, it's an uphill
battle for Democrats, but if people get engaged and realized
(29:00):
that their rights are really on the battle, things could
turn in a way that would be positive for Democrats
in the Senate and for black people in particular. With
majority control of Congress, I'm already I'm I shouldn't say
just make a fatal complete that Kim Jeffers is going
to be the first black Speaker of the House because
(29:23):
there are some competitive races in the House. But as
a Democrat, I feel less worried about the House than
I do about the United States Senate than losing that
majority there. I will say on the state level, I'm
talking about book right now because there is a crazy
gubernatorial candidate, Republican nominee in North Carolina. Do you know
this guy, Mark Robinson?
Speaker 1 (29:44):
Maybe?
Speaker 2 (29:45):
So, this is a guy. He gave one viral speech
on gun rights. Two years two years ago late to
I'm sorry, he gave one viral speech on gun rights,
and twenty and eighteen, two years later, he's the lieutenant
governor and making anti Semitic, anti gay, misogynistic remarks every
(30:09):
step of the way. I mean, if this guy you
ever seen those fake handbags on the street, If Trump
where the original, Mark Robinson would be like one of
the knockoffs, And like the knockoff, the knockoffs are always
worse than the original. This guy is is pretty bad,
and he's a black guy, and he's the Republican nominee
in North Carolina. And so this is a state that
(30:33):
I would watch particularly for. It's also its impact on
the presidential race. North Carolina is not a state that
Democrats need to win, but they are playing offensively there. Importantly,
the Biden campaign is already on the air in North Carolina.
They were on the air advertising last fall, a year out.
(30:59):
And importantly, they were spending money not just on mainstream
radio TV stations, they were spending money on black media,
in black media. We had never seen that from a
presidential candidate before, not as early, I mean, even with
the Obama campaign. So I think North Carolina is a
state to watch. I'm not just talking my book because
I'm from there. I think North Carolina is a state
(31:20):
to watch not just because of its governor's race, but
also because of the import to the presidential race and
how it could give Joe Biden another path to two
hundred and seventy electoral votes.
Speaker 1 (31:33):
Sure, sure, okay, one more question for you, but you
got while people are watching, you know, this race in
North Carolina, but also other races, right, not just presidential choice.
Any advice on how our listeners can process and filter
(31:54):
political media.
Speaker 2 (31:56):
Yeah, so my rule of thumb is that we're a
primary source material exists. Go there, take it. You know,
I spent a lot of time, you know. I think
you noted in the intro that I ran comms at
the Justice Department for a couple of years. And one
of the things that's going to be dominating these next
(32:18):
six months are Donald Trump's legal issues. Right, and while
the prosecutors have done on the federal level, on the
state level, local level, Alvian Bragg, Finnie Willis, Jack Smith,
they are writing their briefs in ways that are accessible
for real people, people without a law degree. I don't
(32:40):
have a law degree. People without a law degree can understand.
And so I just used that as an example. Go
to find your trusted sources, go to primary source material.
There's a sister that I There are a couple women
that I continually follow and always when I want to
(33:02):
get smart, when I'm about to go on MSNBC and
i want to see what the lawyers have to say
about something, I look at Joyce Fans. I look at
this sister. Name is escape for me right now from
n YU love Melissa Murray. I follow her. You you
ever see her on TV? I mean with her name?
Speaker 1 (33:23):
Yeah?
Speaker 2 (33:23):
Yeah, man, she's bad. She was the one who coined
the phrase maca maga making attorneys get attorneys. Uh so
I'll follow her. I'll follow her a lot.
Speaker 1 (33:36):
Okay, all right, fantastic. All right, Well, before you go,
do us a favor. Let everyone know your your social media,
you know, any anything that you have upcoming. You know,
let's let's create some connective tissues so we can continue
to partake in your brilliance and your experience.
Speaker 2 (33:53):
I appreciate that, man, So follow me on Twitter. Just
my first name, last name, Anthony Coley. I'm sorry, is
it Twitter, is it X now we still should I should?
Speaker 1 (34:02):
I say I I As soon as what's the name body,
I was like, you know, I'm not there, so you
know I'll call it with you. No, no, go ahead.
Speaker 2 (34:09):
And I'm also on Instagram eighty Coali one co l
e y ad koali one on Instagram. So I love
to love to come back if you have me. I
think there's going to be a lot of uh, a
lot of things that are going to be of interest
to the community over the next six months, particularly as
it relates to these these trials and in this campaign.
(34:30):
So I appreciate everything you're doing Man to keep the community.
Speaker 1 (34:33):
Informed absolutely, and I'd like to thank you as well
for coming on and again sharing your your insight and
your experience and your overall commitment to the successful, informed
and inspired future of you know, Black Americans. So I
salute you.
Speaker 2 (34:51):
Sir, preature Man, appreciate you, Thank you, sir once again.
Speaker 1 (34:55):
Today's guest is Anthony Coley, the Washington Insider, seated at
the helm of the Public Affairs firm Corner Office Strategies,
discussing the twenty twenty four political landscape and the Trump Effect.
This has been a production of the Black Information Network.
Today's show was produced by Chris Thompson. Have some thoughts
you'd like to share, use the red microphone talkback feature
(35:16):
on the iHeartRadio app. While you're there, be sure to
hit subscribe and download all of our episodes. I'm your
host Ramsey's Jaw on all social media, and join us
tomorrow as we share our news with our voice from
our perspective right here on the Black Information Network Daily
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